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Crewe MS/6/f. 14 · Deel · 18th c.
Part of Crewe Manuscripts

First words: ‘Our desires have different names …’ On the mount is written ‘This is not Gray’s. The Original is on the same leaf which contains the Fragment of the IVth Book. “De Principiis Cogitandi”.’

Crewe MS/21/ff. 21–5 · Deel · 18th c.
Part of Crewe Manuscripts

A agrees to translate ‘with all the convenient speed from the Latin into English verse all the Eclogues Georgics and Eneid of Virgil and prepare them for the press with such notes preface or dedication as he shall think most fitting’. He agrees not to write, translate, or publish anything else until he has finished this work, except for the translation of ‘a little French Book of painting’ which he has agreed to make for ‘some Gentlemen Virtuoso’s and Painters’; the writing of any new original poem or book of prose not exceeding the price of 1s. when printed; and the publication of a comedy by his son John Dryden (The Husband his Own Cuckold), and the writing of the prologue, epilogue, or songs for that play. B will have the copyright in the translation of Virgil, and will pay A in return £200 in instalments when specified parts of it are complete. B will provide at his own costs all the brass cuts or plates formerly printed with Ogilby’s translation of Virgil in folio which can be obtained, buy so many more as are wanting to complete the number of one hundred (excluding Ogilby’s portrait and the frontispiece), and print them as directed by A. B agrees that he will endeavour to find as many people as there are cuts in the book to subscribe 5 guineas each (payable in instal-ments, as specified), to be paid to (A) for each of the books delivered to these persons. The names and arms of the subscribers will be engraved on their respective plates. Any money paid to B by any person over the said 5 guineas shall be paid to A, and A will give B a receipt for it, and B agrees to make oath before a Master in Chancery how much subscription money he has received, and to pay these sums to A on request. B will deliver to A as many books as he wants of the same, size, volume, letter, and paper, as the aforementioned hundred volumes, and including the same prints, for which A will pay as much above the selling price of the said books on common paper as the charge of printing on the best paper amounts to. Any difference between the parties on this point is to be left to the determination in writing of three persons to be chosen by them. There shall be no more copies printed on fine paper than those which are subscribed for, and B shall not make any proposals for printing a second edition until A has disposed of the books which are to be subscribed for. When A has completed the translation as far as Book VI of the Aeneid he may publish advertisements in the Gazette or elsewhere, giving notice that only subscribers can have books on fine paper, and advising the date on which subscriptions are to be received, and when A has completed his translation he will declare the number of books to be printed on fine paper, which B will print accordingly. If one hundred subscribers are not found by the time the translation of Book VI of the Aeneid is completed, A will return to B the subscription money he has received, and A shall be free to make a new agreement with B or any other person for the translation, and B will return to A as much of the translation as he has received. For the performance of this agreement the parties mutually bind themselves in £200.

(Transcript in an unidentified hand.)

Crewe MS/6/f. 9 · Deel · 18th c.
Part of Crewe Manuscripts

Docketed ‘Account of the Throgmorton Family.’ The MS includes a number of original corrections. The account breaks off abruptly. It is unclear whether the names mentioned in it correspond to real persons.

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Transcript

Account of the Throgmorton Family wrote in Part by Mr Abraham Smyth, who had been Steward to S[i]r Humphrey & the Lady Judith.

My Father being old S[i]r Seth’s Gardiner, whom he had served in that Capacity many Years, did upon the Marriage of Mr William Throgmorton (afterwards S[i]r William) with young Mistress Jane Trumbull find Means to place me in their Family, being then a Stripling, as Assistant under the Butler, & Helper in the Pantry, to whom by my good Lady & Patronesses’ Favour I succeeded some Years after, tho’ then under 30, and continued to discharge that Employment, till their Honours were pleased to promote me to the Stewardship about three Years & a half, before the Death of S[i]r William my Master, w[hi]ch was too soon followed by that of my dear & ever lamented Lady. S[i]r Humphrey, for so he then became, & Heir to that noble Estate tho’ not a little impair’d by S[i]r William’s gorgeous Manner of Liveing & too profuse Liberalities, was left with two unmarried Sisters, both elder than himself, Mrs Hester & Mrs Margaret, who were† very good Fortunes, haveing three thousand Pounds each, payable by their Brother, S[i]r H: on the Day of Marriage. he was (when S[i]r W: died) entering into his 26th Year, of a sanguine & healthful Constitution, a great Lover of Field-Sports, w[hi]ch were indeed his only Diversions, & while he was abroad & busied in them, you would have thought him quite another Man for in the House he was much given to museing, & even melancholy, slow of Speech & no Lover of Company. he never miss’d Morning & Evening Prayers with the Family besides w[hi]ch he always retired to his Closet for two Hours be-fore Supper & to this his Piety it may be imagined was oweing his Inclination to his eldest Sister, Madam Hester, who was thought to pass her whole Time in Devotion, except only what she gave to the Management of the Family, for she directed every thing (S[i]r H: little concerning himself in houshold Matters) laid out all Monies, & hired or turned away what Servants she thought good. S[i]r H: dureing his Father’s Lifetime (who was commonly following the Court, as his Place under the Duke of Buckinghā required him) had been trusted entirely to Mr Walter Henderson his Tutour a Scotchman of a very rigid Temper, that used him with great Severity. many a time has he been shut up for four & twenty Hours together in a dark Closet without a Morsel to support Nature, but what I (at the hazard of my Place) have conveyed to him thro’ the Key-hole, while Mr Walter was at his Devotions. he was corrected daily for the slightest Faults, nor ever stirred out of the House but to his Great Uncle’s at Rook-Hall four times in the Year, & then accompanied by his Tutor. never was suffer’d to help himself or ask for anything at Table till he was turn’d of twenty. never drank Wine, but on the Birth-Days of the Family & Christmas. till S[i]r H: being near 30, & happening to dine at old Mrs Blake’s his Godmother one Shrovetide he saw there for the first Time, the Lady Judith Stanley, youngest Sister to the Earl of Derby, who lived hard by at Rummington Place with the good Lady Countess-Dowager, her Grandmother. she was two Years younger than my Master, & looked upon as a young Lady of the best Hopes & finest Breeding in the County. no Pains or Expence haveing been spared in her Education; she sung well, […] Theorbo […] with great Skill, was famous for her […] Pastry & Filigraine-Work, but above all she danced to a Miracle, w[hi]ch tho’ a Diversion none of our Family at all approved (except Mrs Margaret) yet as it was Holiday Time, & Mrs Blake loved Merriment: the Company being set in to Danceing, Lady Judith haveing performed several Sarabands, was at last prevail’d upon to give them a Horn-pipe: S[i]r H: was observed to look at her a great Part of the Evening, & being placed near her at Supper he spoke more to her, than he had ever been seen to do before to any Woman, but his Relations. Madam Hester appear’d very serious all Night, would not taste any of the Fritters (a Dish usual at that Season) & when they were going again to Danceing, was seized with a violent Head-Ach, w[hi]ch obliged her Brother to return home with her. the next Sunday all the Family being at Church, young Primly, Chaplain to the Lady Bedingfield (who was M: Hester’s particular Friend) preach’d a Sermon against Stage-Plays, Masks, Mummings, but above all inveigh’d against the Ungodly & wanton Usage of Dancing, w[hi]ch he called the Lure of Letchery, & such as practised it were he said Imps of Impiety, & the Devil’s Poppets, and after he had dwell’d upon this Part of his Subject above an Hour, he put off the further Handleing that Matter till the next Sabbath-Day. when that came, S[i]r H: was not at Church, being indisposed, but M: Hester told him the Substance of it at Length after Dinner, adding a great deal about the profane Education given to young Women now a-days, & especially thos of Quality, for she knew my Master was never fond of the Court, w[hi]ch he look’d upon as a Sink of Lewdness & Debauchery. she grew too of late more than ordinary careful of provideing every thing, that she knew suited his Palate, & took a great Fancy to his favourite Dogs & Hawks, w[hi]ch she fed with her own Hand, & made much of. however S[i]r H: was observed to [be] less fond of his Sport & more sad than usual, spoke short to the Servants, & even to his Sister sometimes, & one night he rehearsed aloud the Creed, while every body else was saying the Lord’s Prayer. the Week after he went to Mad: Blake’s, tho’ it was like to rain, & Mad: Hester would have dissuaded him on account of his Health. he stayed late & return’d again two Days after

[Docketed in an unidentified hand:] Account of the Throgmorton Family

[Added below by a third hand (probably a price):] 10–5–

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The MS includes a number of original corrections, which have not been recorded. The ellipses indicate where some interlined words are obscured by the mount at the top of the second page.

† Sic.

Crewe MS/21/ff. 26–7 · Deel · 18th c.
Part of Crewe Manuscripts

In consideration of £5 A assigns to B the copyright in a poem entitled Paradise Lost (or by whatever other name it shall be called), lately licensed to be printed, and, in consideration of £5 to be paid by B at the end of each of the first three impressions A agrees not to print or sell this or any similar book without B’s consent. (Each impression shall be accounted to be ended when 1300 copies have been sold to ‘particular reading Customers’, and none of them is to exceed 1500 copies.) B shall be ready to make oath at A’s request before a Master in Chancery regarding the selling of the books by retail, whereby A is to be entitled to his money from time to time on every reasonable request, or shall pay the full £5 payable on the completion of each impression as if it were due.

Crewe MS/6/ff. 1–3 · Deel · 18th c.
Part of Crewe Manuscripts

Docketed ‘Anecdote of the Duke de Richlieu.’

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Transcript

On the 18th of June 1727, the day, on w[hi]ch that solemn festival of the Fête-Dieu is kept, the Duke de Richelieu did not wait on the Emperour, as he ought to have done, under pretence of a fever. it was soon perceived, that he did not care to come out of his own house & appear at court, and the fault, he had committed, begun to be talk’d of publickly. the Archbishop of Vienna, Cardinal Collonitz, received an information against one John de Navarro & Montoya, a Spanish Monk of the Order of S. Francis, for being busy about the translation of a Latin Book, w[hi]ch was full of Witchcraft, & secrets for making up & giving poisons. a young Fellow, who had been employ’d by the Monk in copying the book, was the Person, who betray’d & inform’d against him. the Monk was immediately arrested by the Archbishop: he was well known at Vienna, where he led a most scandalous & licentious life. he had formerly been Chaplain to a Regiment. he was no sooner imprison’d, but the Duke de Richelieu began to make a great stir about him, to claim him & demand his liberty of the Archbishop, declaring that he was one of his retinue. The Archbp: was desirous of complying with this request of the Ambassador, & would have done so, had not one of the Priests of his Consistory hinder’d him by representing, that in a case relative to religion the protection & immunity of the Ambassadour ceased, one being of no consequence, the other not existing at all, in such cases. the Monk could not deny his translating the book, & moreover declared, he was doing it for Richelieu, who not understanding Latin could not do it himself. the Duke on his side confess’d this to be true, but at the same time denied a report, by w[hi]ch he was said to have given 2000 Florins for the book to an Armenian Merchant call’d Assi: for he maintain’d that a Friend had made him a present of it. be this as it will, the book was a Folio written in barbarous Latin & in an Arabic character. the Emperour kept the book saying it should be burnt, when the contents of it had been throughly examined. whether this sentence was ever executed, is uncertain. at the time the Monk was arrested for only translating the book, the shocking story & all the following circumstances were discover’d.

Near the Danube in that suburb, w[hi]ch is call’d Leopoldstat there is a Villa belonging to Count Zchernini, in w[hi]ch his Father-in-Law Philip Eugene de Merode, Marquess of Westerloo, Count de Montfort, Dolen, & Battenburg lived, & tho’ the behaviour of this Nobleman had been a continued series of extravagance & impiety yet his illustrious birth and the ancient attachment of his family to the House of Austria, had raised him to the highest honours. he was a Knight of ye Golden Fleece, Colonel of a Regiment, Marechal de la Cour, & Captain of the Guards, that are call’d Drabans, in this garden of Count Zchernini there is a grove, in w[hi]ch upon the Holy Thursday of the [year] 1727 was performed a Sacrifice to the Moon attended with all the ceremonies of the ancient Pagans. the Catholicks, or I should rather call them the Idolaters, who offer’d the sacrifice according to the rules prescribed in the above-mention’d book found this garden was the properest place they could pitch upon for the execution of their design, because the book directed, that this ceremony should be performd in a grove near a river flowing towards the East. as the sacrifice was performed in the day-time, & as on the altar, w[hi]ch they had raised, a violent fire, destined for the burning of the victim, was blazing, a neighbouring Gardiner seeing the flames ran to the Marquess de Westerloo’s to warn the People of a fire near the house. one of the Servants bid him not be alarmed, for that the fire was made on purpose. the Gardiner retired, but urged by his curiosity to see what was going forward in the grove, he with too† of his Labourers coming near to the pales, w[hi]ch surrounded it, saw the sacrifice thro’ the crevices. they thought the ceremonies & the dress of those, who officiated, very strange, but did not till two months after declare, what they had been witnesses of. they made their depositions before Count de Lamberg, a Minister of Justice & an authoritative Judge in such a case as this. he immediately arrested two of the Marquess Westerloo’s Servants. they declared that neither of them had assisted at the ceremony, but that one had piled the wood upon the altar, & that the other was to guard the gate of the garden during the sacrifice. these two Servants, being question’d concerning the Persons engaged in the offering, they impeach’d them without forgetting, that the Monk Montoya was one. the Count de Lamberg having confronted the Monk with these Witnesses, he confess’d the crime & all its circumstances. as soon as the Marquess de Westerloo heard of the imprisonment of his Servants, he went to Count de Lamberg & the Marquess de Rialp, then Secretary of State. there so far was he from denying the fact, that he confess’d it with the most open & scandalous obstinacy. he told them, one of the ends he proposed to obtain by this sacrifice was the restoration of his health; that it had had its desired effect, & that he certainly was relieved of a violent pain in his breast, w[hi]ch had tormented him before. he also declared, that the French Ambassador, who was the original proposer of the sacrifice, was much better for it, & that he had undertaken it principally to obtain the general esteem of Mankind. he said at last, that as to himself he should not have consented to it but for the repeated sollicitations of the Embassador, who founded his hopes chiefly on the grove being situated near the Danube, w[hi]ch flows towards the East. all the following circumstances are as true as those already mention’d, & are affirmed in the depositions of the Persons, who saw them. the Victim was a black calf, w[hi]ch the French Ambassr: carried in his coach to the Marqss: of Westerloo’s. five Persons were concern’d in this act of idolatry, performing all the rites of the ancient Pagans, habited in their dress, & crown’d with their mitres, using all their prostrations & genuflexions, observing the quality & quantity of fire necessary to consume the victim, burning perfumes of different sorts, leading the victim in pomp & procession to the altar & repeating several obscene prayers address’d to the Moon, imploring her protection and the communication of her influence to the different metals, w[hi]ch they had put into the fire, & of w[hi]ch they expected to make a Talisman. the virtue of the Talisman was to procure for the Sacrificers the several blessings of perfect health, general esteem, and great riches[.] it appeared that the Duke de Richelieu officiated as High-Priest, as he cut off the head of the victim with his own hands. according to the precepts of the book the whole sacrifice was to be performed in seventeen minutes, but as the fire did not consume the calf under three hours the Duke was highly concerned, & much afraid, least the Talisman should not answer. the Mss: of Westerloo, & the Monk Montoya, who both had acted as Sacrificators, were dress’d like the Duke de Richelieu in the habit of the ancient Pagans. the subaltern Ministers were Assi, the Armenian, & a Spanish Lieutenant-Colonel named Don Diego de Oviedo, who being a Professor of Astrology, was of great service in observing when the Moon came to that point of the heavens, w[hi]ch according to the doctrine of the book was proper. as the Spaniard was desired by the Sacrificers to attend on the ceremony he was looked upon as the least guilty, & consider’d as one, who had committed the crime out of excessive complaisance to the others.

When the Monk’s confession was drawn up & confirm’d by so many Witnesses, a doubt arose about the punishment to be inflicted on him. the Archbishop at least thought proper to put him into the hands of the Head of the Franciscan Convent, & it was said he was confined in a close dungeon & allow’d nothing but bread & water. he was afterwards to be sent into Spain, but it is quite uncertain, whether he was or not. the Emperour for certain reasons, w[hi]ch I shall mention by & by, did not make much bustle about the punishment of the Marqss: of Westerloo, however he sent him word no longer to act as Captain of the Guards: the Marquess obeyd† & resign’d his commission. as for the poor Armenian, who sold the book, it is certain, that he died at the French Ambassador’s a few days after the imprisonment of the Monk. the People, who had highly blamed & condemn’d that Minister, were persuaded, that he had poison’d the Armenian to prevent the discovery of the mystery, as he did not know the Monk had confess’d all in prison. this suspicion was not founded on absolute proof but on very reasonable conjectures: this is however certain, that the Duke invited the Armenian to sup with his Servants, that after supper he complain’d of a sore throat, and died the next day. but as there was no opportunity of opening his body the suspicion of the people could not be confirmed. the Colonel Oviedo had time to conceal himself at the Ambassadour’s, & at length left Vienna for ever. the Duke of Richelieu, under pretence of a fever either real or feign’d, begun to omit attending the festivals celebrated in the Aulic Chappel, where however Nuncio Monsignr: Grimaldi acquainted the Ambassador, that he must not appear at Chappel, because he had been excommunicated on account of his idolatry. the Ambr: perceiving he should be ruin’d for ever, if he was not permitted to appear there, made repeated sollicitations to the Nuncio to obtain absolution for his crime. this Prelate refer’d it to Father Tenneman, the Emperour’s Confessor, & this Jesuit assured the Emperour, that the Duke had made an ample confession of his heinous crime, & declared his sincere repentance, and then he absolved him. he also absolved Monsr: de Westerloo. Mr: Grimaldi having wrote upon this subject to the Nuncio at Paris & several foreign Ministers following his example, they all endeavour’d at the Duke’s earnest sollicitation to palliate his crime. the Nuncio was much blamed for so carefully hushing up such a heinous & criminal action. a Friend of the Nuncio hearing these imputations endeavour’d to justify him by saying, that Mr: Grimaldi could not do otherwise, as the Duke had from the first mention’d it to him, as his Confessor. whether this was true, we know not, but it is certain, that as soon as the affair begun to be rumour’d, the Ambassr: made political confession of it to Count Zinzendorff, Great Chancellor of the Imperial Court, & desired him to be favourable to him, & intercede for him with the rest of the Ministry. the Ministry, being well paid, & content with the Duke in his political capacity, connived at the dissimulation of his crime. however they wrote to Baron Fonseca, the Imperial Minister at Paris, to inform him of every fact, that he might be able to answer the French Minister, who probably might question him about it.

It certainly was right, and every body thought so, that the Emperour should punish M: de Westerloo by banishment[,] the loss of the golden Fleece, & his places at court. it is plain, that by depriving him of his commission of the Guards he was desirous of removing him from his Person. therefore if he did not punish him more openly, it was because he waited to see what punishment would be inflicted by the King of France on the D: of Richelieu. if the King in detestation of his idolatry had punish’d the Duke, the Emperour had resolved severely also to punish Westerloo: but as his most Christian Majesty affected to be ignorant of, or at least to doubt of his Minister’s crime the Empr: thro’ policy or indulgence was equally moderate to ye Marquess: but at bottom he never after esteem’d either of them, having conceived all the indignation against them, w[hi]ch the horror of their crime deserved.

Such is the faithful account of this singular event, as it was contain’d in a letter of Count Tarouca [Footnote: ‘He was Minister from the Court of Portugal, then at Vienna.’] no ways alter’d from the original Portuguese, whence I translated it, but in representing it as a thing past, whereas he writes of it, as a transaction happening at the time.

The Duke being recall’d to Paris, he took leave of their Impl: Majesties at the Favorita, Sept: 6. 1727. the Empr: presented him with his picture, set in diamonds of great value.

[Docketed in an unidentified hand:] Anecdote of the Duke de Rich[e]lieu.

[Added below by a third hand (probably a price):] 15–8–

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† Sic.

Crewe MS/20/f. 143r · Deel · 17th c.
Part of Crewe Manuscripts

‘Si nobis est testis in coelo, si in corde, dimittamus alios loqui foris, quod volunt.’ ‘Non pendebit Christus semper inter Latrones, resurget aliquando crucifixa Veritas.’ ‘Ich laß die Welt sein Welt, verlasse ihren Shein | Du aber höochster Geld, vernügst mich allein.’(??) Motto: ‘Tandem Veronenses sunt acceptiores Placentinis.’