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Add. MS c/101/103 · Item · 6 Jan 1907
Part of Additional Manuscripts c

Reports that he has just finished reading Arthur Sidgwick's biography of Henry Sidgwick, which, he claims, 'had a purifying and ennobling influence' on his heart. Explains that he is a Methodist preacher, and does not have the same attitude to Christianity as Henry Sidgwick had, but asserts that the latter 'found his abiding place on earth in it. Compares the effect of the book on him to that which he experience on reading, as a young man, the biography of Charles Kingsley. Adds that he lived in Oxford not long before, and claims to have known Arthur Sidgwick's face on the street, and so read the book for his sake.

HOUG/E/M/1/11 · Item · 30 Dec. 1850
Part of Papers of Richard Monckton Milnes, Lord Houghton

Admiralty. - Difficulty of obtaining a messenger's place from Baring, especially for those over 30; Milnes's protégé unlikely to succeed; own position offers no preferments except schoolmasterships; unable to visit Woburn but 'shd like to see you draw on the buskin again - histrionics... are still allowed in reformed Abbeys'; opposition to Wiesman's belief that Catholic Bishops have the right to govern Protestants. Postscript: asks whether [Kingsley's] Alton Locke will do some good.

Add. MS a/201/120 · Item · 24 May [1862]
Part of Additional Manuscripts a

1 Westbourne St., Hyde Park Garden W. - Thanks WW for his 'little volume of Plato'. C. Kingsley told how indebted he was to RWB for introducing him to the study of Plato, 'which had contributed more than any other to his habits of accurate thought'.

Add. MS c/101/157 · Item · 9 Feb 1863
Part of Additional Manuscripts c

Explains that she has been very busy with domestic matters. Claims to be 'more than satisfied with what Arthur has done....' Remarks that there are 'some friends in out of the way places, who seem always to think that any Cambridge man of note ought to be a Wrangler...' and claims to set them right when she can. Was glad to hear from William that Arthur looked so well, and that they all had such a pleasant time at Oxford, and wishes that she could have listened to [their] 'eloquent Professor [Henry Smith? see 99/21] behind some curtain.'

Reports that she had just had a nice letter from Annie Brown, 'in which she complains sadly of Longman for making her last book - Problems in Human Nature, so dear', and of the fact that no one has reviewed it. Asks Henry to write one, and also to lend Brown a copy of Coventry Patmore's Angel in the House. Quotes her remarks on Henry's paper on De Tocqueville. Asks if he could get an introduction to Mr Kingsley for a young man who greatly admires him, for Brown also. Asks if he has read [Margaret Oliphant's] The Chronicles of Carlingford and asks his opinion on them. Reports that she has read Deerbrook [by Harriet Martineau], and gives her thoughts on its subject, i.e., the damaging effects of the interference of a third person in the loves of others. [Incomplete].

Sidgwick, Mary (d 1879), mother of Henry Sidgwick
Add. MS c/101/159 · Item · 9 Oct 1863
Part of Additional Manuscripts c

Claims that her daily expectations of some arrival [a new baby for Minnie and Edward Benson] at Wellington College have been disappointed. Reports that Minnie is very well. Relates that Mrs Donne has borne her sorrow [at the death of her husband. a master at Wellington College] 'with wonderful calmness', and that Minnie will miss her.

Sends Henry a Tract, which his Uncle Chris [Sidgwick] has recently published at Skipton [not included], and wishes to have his comments on it. Reports on his Aunt M[ary] J[ane]'s opinions of it. Fears that Henry's Aunt Lace is to suffer a long and continued illness. Reports that 'Miss [Mary?] Cannan cannot get on at all with Mrs. C[ongreve] and goes at Xmas', and fears that 'they will not meet with any good governess who will bear such treatment and interference.' Adds that Dora C[ongreve] is 'dangerously ill in rheumatic fever', and Doctor Evans was sent for the previous day. Refers to an earthquake, and claims that it was felt in Rugby by Mr Waterfield and Edward Rhoades. Reports that she heard from Mr Scott that Mrs Scott is a little better.

Announces that his Uncle Robert [Sidgwick] and Alfred will meet William at the Sidgwick house at Rugby on the following Tuesday 'to be in readiness for the scholarship examination', which Mr Powles thinks will do Alfred good. Remarks that Edward seems busier than ever, and states that the house is not begun and will not be unless he can get a lower estimate of its cost.

Reports that Annie Brown has settled herself at Lamberhurst Rectory, Hurst Green for the winter to write, but that she has been ill. Adds that she referred to the review, with which Henry had tried to help her. Reports that the 'young nephew who was ill, is dead', and that Lucy Brown has taken 'the young boy of 12 to Lytham to live with her in Lodgings whilst he goes to school.'

Refers a lecture on the previous Wednesday at Wokingham, given to the Mechanical Institute by Mr [Kingsley], with Mr [Walton] in the chair, and announced that Edward is to give one on self-education after Christmas. Asks how he thinks Arthur is looking, and tells him to show the latter their Uncle Chris' tract. Reports that William believes that Edward Lace would 'pass respectably'. [Incomplete]

Sedgwick, Margaret Isabella (d 1911) daughter of John Sedgwick
Letter from Charles Kingsley
Add. MS a/207/163 · Item · 20 Sept. 1860
Part of Additional Manuscripts a

Chersley Rectory, Winchfield - Thanks WW for his Platonic Dialogues: by introducing Plato in this way to the general reader, WW is 'supplying a considerable want'. CK will shortly be in Cambridge and would appreciate advice concerning his professorship.

Add. MS c/99/17 · Item · [2] November 1862
Part of Additional Manuscripts c

Remarks that it seems 'an immense time' since he left Rugby, even though it has only been a fortnight. Reports that he had to move into other rooms when he first came up to Cambridge, as the floors in his own rooms were rotten. Is back in his own rooms now, where he has installed a new stove. Is glad that she enjoyed her visit to London. Wishes that he could have spent more time in the [Great] Exhibition, and comments on some of the works, including the statue of the 'Reading Girl' [by Pietro Magni], and Story's Cleopatra. Has recovered his watch from Wellington College. Comments that Minnie appears to be very busy. Remarks that there has been some theological excitement in consequence of Bishop Colenso's publication in the Guardian. Reports that it was believed for some time that the Reverend F.D. Maurice was going to resign his preferment, and come to reside [in Cambridge] 'in order to write freely on theological topics - but he has decided not to do so.' Reports that Kingsley is lecturing [very well] on America, and is writing in Macmillan's Magazine 'a child's tale [The Water Babies] so absurd that [Henry] almost thought he was cracked'. Hopes that his mother's legal difficulties will be resolved satisfactorily.

Add. MS c/99/18 · Item · [1] Dec 1862
Part of Additional Manuscripts c

[Sent from Haileybury]:- Remarks on the unfairness of the fact that because Arthur does not write to her, she does not write to him: Henry arrived at this conclusion from a message he got from [J. M.?] Wilson when he saw him at Trevelyan's dinner. Reports that he is 'pretty well' and 'tolerably busy'. Has been examining a school lately, and has made good progress with his Arabic. Adds that his eyes are pretty well. Reports that Trevelyan has gone down for good; his father has been appointed financial member of the Indian Council and his son is to be his private secretary. Observes that Trevelyan is the last of the friends that he made as an undergraduate, but declares that there are lots of nice men still at the university, and that he has not lost the power of making friends. States, however, that he feels that he is growing old, and 'probably appear[s] a great Don to freshmen'.

Is anxious to hear the result of the Great Ladkin case; asks 'is the monster subdued or have [they] had to "eat the [Leck]". Reports that Mrs Kingsley enquired after his mother; Mrs Kingsley has had quite a long illness, from which she is now recovered, and he has not seen anything of the Kingsleys this term. Declares Miss [Rose?] Kingsley to be 'a very nice girl.' Asks whether his mother has seen Kingsley's letters in the Times, and comments that most people at Cambridge think that he has done good by them, but observes that he has been 'as usual hasty and one-sided.' Believes that the Manchester people ought to have spoken before. States that he saw Temple's letter, which was 'very good as always', and comments on his testimony as to conduct of manufacturers.

Reports that Arthur is very well, and that he himself is staying with [A. G.] Butler in Hertfordshire. He saw Miss Mulock, who was staying with [Alexander?] Macmillan, some days previously; she 'looks pleasant and sympathetic, yet hardly capable of the powerful delineation of passion one meets with in her books'; she is said to be 'odd' and to 'come to evening parties in her morning dress'.

Attributes his mother's epistolary silence to dissipation, and asks if everybody on the Bilton Road asked her out to dinner, and whether they shall 'entertain "all manner of Dukes" as Arthur says' when they return. Asks if any family catastrophe has occurred. Tells her if she meets any Trinity man she may tell them that [J. L.] Hammond is going to be Bursar. Declares that Mr Martin is looking better every week; that Professor Sedgwick is flourishing, and is expected to lecture the following year 'for "positively the last time" as he has said any time the last ten years.'

TRER/45/254 · Item · [17 Jun 1888]
Part of Papers of Robert Calverley Trevelyan and Elizabeth Trevelyan

On embossed headed notepaper for Wallington, Cambo, Northumberland:- Thanks her for her letters and 'the Indian books'; found 'the epic... so interesting that [he] finished it directly', but the other one was 'more modern' and he does not care much for it. Hopes the London Library has another as good as the epic. Is 'getting on very well with Mr Belfield' and very much likes him; Belfield hurt his knee last Thursday but is better now, despite his fears that this might bring on once more 'a bad leg which he has had several times'. Robert played in a [cricket] match here yesterday; which was drawn in the home side's favour.

Is very glad Charlie has got the 'second prize', and he will be 'very pleased'; he also seems to be 'doing very well in cricket'. Has 'sent up [Kingsley's] Alton Lock[e]'. Hopes they [the Liberals] will win the Ayr election [by-election on the death of Liberal Unionist Richard F. F. Campbell], though supposes it 'is very doubtful'. Booa [Mary Prestwich] has been 'very busy this week', but Robert thinks she is well. Asks if Mr Brown has 'resigned quietly', as he has 'heard nothing here'. They [he and Mr Belfield?] have been fishing 'several times and caught next to nothing'

Add. MS c/99/44 · Item · [21 Feb 1865]
Part of Additional Manuscripts c

Hopes that Arthur has enjoyed Dresden. Reports that he has seen many Rugby people that term, which, he predicts, will be a long one. Relates that he has several pupils and six hours a day 'at the least', but does not feel at all hard-worked, and that he breakfasts every day at half past seven. Extols the virtues of brooding and musing, but claims that 'a certain amount of Drudgery is necessary to longevity: that idleness and creative tension alike exhaust the creative force'. Reports that Kingsley 'is preaching sensation sermons on the Psalms of David'. Intends to go to Oxford the following Saturday 'for a refreshment' [probably for the first Ad Eundem Society dinner]. Asks his mother to tell Arthur to 'beg, borrow, or steel' Emilia in England, which had 'such an effect' on Henry that he spent his 'spare cash' on [George Meredith's] other works.

TRER/45/48 · Item · [Autumn 1884?]
Part of Papers of Robert Calverley Trevelyan and Elizabeth Trevelyan

Has written to Charlie asking him to send 'his first impressions of Harrow'. Sends the '[school] newspaper for this fortnight', which includes 'a piece of poetry by Kingsl[e]y, which is the first he wrote', sent in by Mr Powles. Robert's 'bedroom is getting on very well'. Sends love to all. There is an away match with Mortimer on the 15th. The weather is 'very fine today'. Sellar and Hugo are coming down on the 13th. The 'book for Archie' is True to the Old Flag [by G. A. Henty].

Add. MS b/49 · Item · Aug. 1874
Part of Additional Manuscripts b

Album containing over 250 letters, notes, documents, unaccompanied envelopes, printed items, and photographic prints carrying the handwriting and/or autographs of sovereigns, prelates, government ministers, peers, authors, and Trinity College masters and professors, with a few unusual items in addition. The material appears to have been largely culled from the correspondence of George Peacock, his wife Frances Peacock, her father William Selwyn, and her second husband William Hepworth Thompson, with a few unrelated items. Most date from the 19th century but there are a few items from the 18th century.

Among those represented are King George III, Charles Babbage, E.W. Benson, the 15th Earl of Derby, the 7th Duke of Devonshire, W. E. Gladstone, Lord Houghton, Charles Kingsley, H. W. Longfellow, Lord Macaulay, Sir Robert Peel, John Ruskin, Adam Sedgwick, Alfred, Lord Tennyson, Anthony Trollope, and William Whewell; there are in addition a miniature handwritten Lord's Prayer in a circle no larger than 15mm across, a carte-de-visite photograph souvenir 'balloon letter' from the Paris siege of 1870 with an image of the newspaper 'La Cloche', and a photographic print of Lane's portrait of George Peacock.

Ellis, Mary Viner (1857-1928) great-niece of George Peacock
CLIF/E2/4a · Item · 1873
Part of Papers of W. K. Clifford

(Docketed ‘Cosmic’. Ten sheets appear to be wanting. The paper was read before the Sunday Lecture Society at St George’s Hall, Langham Place, London, on 4 May 1873, and this draft was probably made not long before that date.)

—————

Transcript

On the relations between Science and some Modern Poetry.

A long time ago, when wandering about in a library, I chanced upon an old and very singular book. It was called the commentary of Hierocles upon the Golden Verses of the Pythagoreans. {1} I had never heard of Hierocles, nor of the Golden Verses, {2} but I was curious about the Pyth.; {3} so I made out as much of the book as I could; and I have not been able to find out much more since about Hier. & the Golden Verses. It seems that Hierocles was a Neo-Platonist, who lived in the middle of the fifth century; and that this book was meant to give a connected account, so far as was then possible, of the teaching of the Pythagoreans. It seems to me that that fifth century of our era is an exceedingly interesting and instructive period, of which we should endeavour to get pictures from as many points of view as possible. Canon Kingsley has given us one picture, in a book which I hope many of us know—Hypatia: {4} which at least gives us a tolerably clear idea of the sort of time that the philosophers had of it. And there is M. Ozanam’s very interesting book—Civilization in the fifth century {5}—which puts the matter from another point of view. Our philosopher Hierocles, like the rest of his school, had ideas which may be regarded as a modification of the old Greek beliefs in two directions. They were largely rationalized and explained away by the introduction of scientific ideas; while they were supplemented and propped up on the other side by magic and mysticism not of Greek origin. In the commentary of which I speak these two modifications have become so important that they entirely override the original basis of Greek belief; the olympian mythology receives a merely nominal homage, and has no longer any practical influence. Sometimes science is everything, and its methods all-sufficient; sometimes everything depends upon a mystical communion with spirits. On one page you think you are talking to Prof Huxley; on the next, to Mr Home. {6} The book which forms This {7} curious mixture is a commentary on what seems to have been a traditional document among the disciples of Pythagoras; of what date I know not, except that it does not pretend to be the work of the unknown sage himself. The Golden Verses are a collection of precepts for the guidance of life; they are for the most part very simple and admirable, and just such as we should write down today for a person whom we did not expect to understand anything very difficult. Some relate to the duties of a citizen as such, some to those of an individual as such; these latter being remarkable for the very great stress which they lay upon the laws of health. The only attempt to reduce them to a general principle is the maxim that the Reason is to guide all other activities. So far, then, if the Golden Verses were now published for the first time, there would be nothing very remarkable about the things they tell you to do; not only the actions advised, but the degree of importance attached to different portions of the code, are as nearly as possible what we in this hall at least should be ready at once to approve. And even when we reconsider that the document is probably two thousand years old, we have no reason to be astonished that the ideal of human action among the most cultivated Teutonic races should very nearly approximate to that of the ancient Greeks. But in this same document, mixed up with the common-place precepts, there is found a general conception of the universe, with which the precepts are in harmony. After a strong declaration of belief that by far the greater part of the evils that men suffer are preventible evils, that the people perisheth for lack of knowledge; {8} there comes this extraordinary passage:

“Know, so far as it is permitted you, that Nature is everywhere uniform; in order that you may neither hope things that ought not to be hoped for, nor be ignorant of what can be attained.”

And then further:—

“But be of good cheer; for those mortals have the blood of the gods in them (or partake of divine descent) to whom holy Nature unfolds all things as she leads them on.”

I am told that the expression here used belongs especially to the hierophant in the mysteries—the guiding priest by whom the faithful were initiated into the divine secrets one by one. Now I may be reading into these passages by an after-light something that is not there; but it does seem to me that coming as they do in justification of rules for practice, they are equivalent to the application of past experience to present circumstances, in accordance with an observed order of events, for the purpose of making progress—that is to say, they lay down as the rule of life exactly what we call science.

“Know, so far …

Observe especially the limitation here, ᾗ θεμις εστι—the uniformity of nature is not stated absolutely or universally, but only so far as fate permits—so far as human knowledge goes: that is, so far as it is applicable to human practice. Again, the image of the hierophant gradually leading forward the neophytes from one arcanum to another, used as a symbol of the education by Nature of the human race, does seem to me to shew very distinctly that the idea of progress was present to the minds at least of those who took these verses for their rule. It has been asserted that the ancient world was entirely devoid of the conception of progress. This may to a certain extent be true of political progress; but we cannot admit it of scientific progress, when we find Hipparchus[,] who had made the great step of determining the nature of the solar and lunar motions and had failed to extend the same methods to the planets, storing up observations in the sure and certain hope that a more fortunate successor would accomplish that work; which indeed was done by Ptolemy. And it is very important to notice that the exact sciences were regarded as the standard to which the others should endeavour to attain—as appears by a subsequent passage in these very verses. For the unknown author directs you to “exercise yourself in the purifications and in the upward-leading liberation of the soul”. Upon this Hierocles makes a very remarkable comment. He says “the purification of the rational soul are the mathematical sciences; and the upward-leading liberation (αναγωγος λυσις—the freedom that is progress) is the scientific view of things (διαλεκτικη των οντων εποπτεια)”. And I will go even further than this, and say that the ancients possessed not only the conception of progress but the method of it, namely experiment. Hierocles lived some three centuries after Ptolemy had experimented and made tables of refraction. In the Astronomical sciences, and in the Medical sciences, they had made real experiments; and I am not aware that in the Sociological sciences a systematic series of experiments has been made even yet. Here, as so often, the question comes up “why was this promise not fulfilled?”. And I think anybody who will read all the Golden Verses and then some of the commentary of Hierocles, will see at least what was the process of decay.

Just as the traveller who has been worn to the bone by years of weary striving among men of another skin suddenly gazes with doubting eyes upon the white face of a brother; so if we travel backwards in thought over the darker ages of the history of Europe, we at length reach back with such bounding of heart to men who had like hopes with ourselves; and shake hands across that vast with the singers of the Golden Verses, our own true spiritual ancestors.

I am she that (SS. 75)

Now I dare say you will think I have no business, after promising to talk about the relations of science with some modern poetry, to begin by speaking of this very ancient poetry that was written probably more than two thousand years ago. But in the first place I wanted very much to speak of these verses, because they produced a great impression upon me at the time when I first read them, and I have been very fond of them ever since; and one likes as you know to talk to other people about things which have given pleasure to oneself. And in the second place, they will serve to indicate very well what is the kind of poetry that we have to consider today. It is not all modern poetry, but only some modern poetry; namely that which deals with what my friend Mr Henry Sidgwick calls Cosmic emotion. When we attempt to think about the sum of things, about the Universe or Macrocosm, to put together the most general conceptions that we can form about the great aggregate of events that are always taking place, to strike a sort of balance among the feelings which these events produce in us, and to add to these the feeling of vastness associated with an attempt to represent the whole of existence; then we experience a cosmic emotion, and emotion in regard to the universe or cosmos. And it is impossible to cast a superficial glance over what we are taught about the history of mankind without perceiving how immense and powerful a part appears to have been played in that great drama by the nature of the cosmic emotions which have been felt by different races. But this is not the only kind of cosmic emotion. Instead of paying attention to the Macrocosm or universe outside of us, we may if we please pay attention to the microcosm, the universe of ourselves. We may consider the totality of our own actions and of the feelings which they produce; we may form the highest possible generalization to express the character of those which we call good, and consider that this is desirable as a guiding principle in our life. We thus obtain an exceedingly general distinction between good and evil; and when we contemplate this, we experience an emotion which is different from that which we feel in particular cases, by having added to it the element of vastness because it regards everything that we do. This also is to be called a cosmic emotion, because it is an emotion felt towards the universe of human action. Now a particular form of each of these two kinds of cosmic emotion has been expressed in a beautiful couplet by Immanuel Kant, which has been perfectly translated by Lord Houghton:

Two things there are that fill the mind with awe;
The starry heavens, and man’s sense of law.

The starry heavens on a clear night being the most direct presentation of the sum of things, and from the nature of the circumstances fitted to produce a cosmic emotion of the first kind; while the moral faculty of man was thought of by Kant as possessing universality in a peculiar sense, for the form of all maxims, according to him, is that they are fit for universal law—a mode of viewing the faculty which is specially adapted to produce cosmic emotion of the second kind.

Now you will see at once that the Golden Verses present you with a picture of Nature and of Life which is quite fitted to produce Cosmic Emotion; namely they regard the Universe as continually educating us and teaching us to act rightly; this is done by setting Reason free from the chains that bind her, and enthroning her as the guiding principle. But the important thing to notice is that here the cosmic emotion is not two but one; the universe is regarded only as related to human action, and human action only as cooperation with Nature. I shall endeavour to shew you that this unity is essential to the scientific view of things. But assuming this for the present, there are two questions that lie before us today:

First, the scientific question; have we, with our additional knowledge, any modification to propose in this view of the cosmos, any development to evolve, any clearer definition to formulate? How do we conceive the world?

I shall endeavour to shew in answer to this question that we have a more definite conception, both of the external and of the internal cosmos.

Secondly, the poetic question; does a poetical literature exist which expresses the cosmic emotion proper to this advanced conception?
I shall answer to this question in the affirmative.

—————

But before going on to consider these questions, it is necessary to take note of some very important limitations, in order that we may not hope things that ought not to be hoped for, nor on the other hand be ignorant of what can be attained. First of all, then, the cosmos that we have to do with is no longer a definite whole including absolutely all existence. The old cosmos had a boundary in space, a beginning and an end in time. Beyond that boundary was nothing; before the beginning and after the end, no history. But now the real universe extends at least far beyond the cosmos, the order that we actually know of. The sum total of our experience and of the inferences that can fairly

[Three sheets (ff. 16-18) are wanting here.]

All practical questions, therefore, are within the domain of science; and it is easy to see conversely that unpractical questions are out of it. By an unpractical question I mean one from the answer to which no inference can be drawn by which our actions would be affected. For example, it is a very practical question, where or no there is hydrogen in the Sun. For if there is not, then some other substance can give out light exactly like that given out by hydrogen; and the attempt to analyse a substance by the spectroscope is a wrong action. It is this very limitation, then, that necessitates the union of the two kinds of cosmic emotion; for the external cosmos is limited to that which we can know so as to affect the internal cosmos.

This consideration seems to me so very important that I shall put it in another way. It has been expressly denied by Kant, who with many other merits has certainly this one; that he has proposed distinctly, and given answers to, a great number of important questions; which everybody since his time has been obliged to give some answer to, whether agreeing with him or not. His doctrine in regard to this question is that the practical reason is obliged to assume certain principles which are not given by the speculative reason; that it directs us to act as if these things were true, although they are not known as true statements but only as regulative principles. Now it seems to me one of the great services rendered to this subject by Mr Bain {9} that he pointed out how every belief is in reality a regulative principle. When you believe that A is B, you mean to act as if A was B; and that is the essence of the belief. Every assertion that you make is an aggregate of resolves. We may even give a physiological explanation of this.

What then is that curious state of mind in which you believe that you believe a certain statement? This is still a resolve to act. It means not that you are going to act as if the statement were true, but that you are going to assert it and to try and make other people assert it.

Now, in regard to these two doctrines—one, that the practical reason requires principles which the speculative reason does not supply; the other, that the two are identical—it is very important to observe that the difference between them is a difference of individual choice, and that neither of them can be proved. For I can choose, if I like, to believe something that is not justified by my speculative reason; that is to say, which cannot be inferred from experience on the assumption that Nature is uniform.+ {10} If every real belief is a resolve to act, and so belongs to the practical reason, this comes to saying that my practical reason refuses to assume the uniformity of Nature and to be confined to conclusions which may be got from experience by its help. Now this is not a case for argument, for it decides what I am going to take as proof. The only thing to be said is this; that Nature being actually uniform is selecting those races and those individuals who do act upon the assumption of uniformity—that the other kind of action does not pay.

Now I make this choice; I resolve to believe those statements which can be inferred from experience on the assumption that Nature is uniform, and those statements only. My belief is then wholly determined by science. And while the cosmos presented to me by science is limited to that part of things which is of practical importance to me, so that I apparently lose by the limitation; at the same time I learn that it necessarily contains all that is of practical importance to me; which is distinctly a gain.

So if we consider the other limitation imposed by the changing character of human nature, we shall find that it is precisely this which enables us to find a general principle of action. It is almost impossible to exaggerate the flood of light which the doctrine of evolution has thrown upon this subject. Suppose the rest of the world suddenly petrified at any given instant, and that you were able to walk about and look at the people. The great majority of them would be standing on one leg, many with their mouths open, and the rest would be in still more absurd positions—I mean, of course, absurd for a continuance. Their attitudes and gestures, considered as belonging to people in repose, would be utterly inexplicable. But now remember that this world is not meant to be still, but in motion; then instantaneously every part of the scene acquires its true meaning. So if we regard organic nature as a fixed thing, not only do the likenesses and differences of animals and plants become inexplicable, but the only distinction between good acts and evil ones which can be got from experience becomes distinction founded on the pleasure and pain of the individual. You know how this is modified in the theory of Utilitarianism so as to mean the aggregate pleasure and pain of the race; but on the hypothesis that human nature is fixed, this is merely an arbitrary assumption. But from the moment that we admit the continual change of the organic world, everything is clear. We get a distinction between good and bad which is obvious on the face of it and is of universal application.

How so? If I have evolved myself out of an amphioxus it is clear that I have become better by the change; I have risen in the organic scale; I have become more organic. Of all the changes that I have undergone the greater part must have been changes in this direction; some in the opposite direction; some perhaps neutral. But if I could only find out which, I should

[Seven sheets (ff. 25-31) are wanting here.]

the word. “Freedom is such a property of the will” says Kant “as enables living agents to originate events, independently of foreign determining causes.”

The character of an organic action, then, is Freedom. Now the highest of all organisms is the social organism. This has precisely the same property as the lowest; viz:, it is able to aggregate together motions which are relatively molecular into molar motions. the {12} individual men of a social organism are the molecules of which it is composed; and by means of it actions which, as individual, are insignificant, are massed together into the important movements of a society. Freedom, or action from within, is the necessary form of good actions in a social organism. The possibility of this is not got rid of until the society is absolutely enslaved and separated into its elements.

Courage yet, my brother or my sister (L.G. 363)

Freedom, as the ultimate principle of right action, has thus two forms, as existing in the individual and in the community. The action by which the community is free is Comradeship

“Oneself I sing, a simple, separate person (L.G. 1.)
Yet after the word Democratic, the word En-masse.

“Come, I will make the continent” {11} (L.G. 127)

For the individual we come back to the Pythagorean maxim of free choice with reason at the helm.

Then he stood up (S.S. 2.)

Hence Freedom is to be taken as identical with the soul of man, engaged in ceaseless conflict with the environment.

His eyes take part in the morning (S.S. 118)

Conflict still going on

Listen, I will be honest (L.G. 184)
Pilgrim (S.S. 125)

—————

Note that diacritic marks are generally wanting from the Greek quotations. The abbreviations ‘L.G.’ and ‘S.S.’ refer to Walt Whitman’s Leaves of Grass and Swinburne’s Songs before Sunrise. The brackets round these references have been supplied.

{1} There are a number of editions of Hierocles’ commentary, in various languages. The text followed by Clifford in the published version of this essay (‘Cosmic Emotion’) was that of Mullach, in Fragmenta Philosophorum Græcorum (Paris: Ambroise Firmin Didot, 1860). See Nineteenth Century, ii. 414, note 2.

{2} Comma supplied.

{3} ‘but … Pyth.’ interlined; preceding comma supplied.

{4} Kingsley’s novel Hypatia, or New Foes with an Old Face, set in fifth-century Alexandria, was serialised in 1852 and published in two volumes the following year. The ODNB explains that the ‘new foes’ of the subtitle were 'J. H. Newman, now a Roman Catholic, and the other leaders of the Oxford Movement, such as E. B. Pusey; the old face imputed to them was that of the fanatical (and of course celibate) monks of fifth-century Alexandria who murdered the Neoplatonist philosopher Hypatia, and who Kingsley viewed as extreme and discreditable examples of the asceticism of the early church from which contemporary Catholic spirituality had drawn inspiration. By way of contrast Kingsley introduces the ostrich-hunting married bishop Synesius and, a little improbably, a crew of cheerfully brutal proto-British Goths who embody Kingsleyan virtues of rough, unconventional decency, courage, physical sturdiness, and a saving respect for women.'

{5} History of Civilization in the Fifth Century (2 vols., 1868), an English translation by Ashley C. Glyn of Antoine Frédéric Ozanam’s Études germaniques pour servir à l‘histoire des Francs (2 vols., 1847-9). Ozanam was a passionate Catholic apologist, and therefore, as Clifford indicates, his point of view naturally differed from Kingsley’s.

{6} Daniel Dunglas Home, the celebrated medium, mocked by Browning in his poem ‘Mr Sludge the Medium’.

{7} Sic. The preceding words of the sentence were interlined.

{8} This is Clifford’s version of the more usual expression, ‘The people perish for lack of knowledge’, an adaptation of part of Hosea iv. 6.

{6} Alexander Bain (1818–1903), psychologist.

{10} Footnote: '+ eg. C[…] race actually alive in bowels of earth'. The first word is instinct.

{11} Closing inverted commas supplied.

{12} Sic. A preceding word was deleted.

† Sic.

Add. MS c/100/6 · Item · [late 1859?]
Part of Additional Manuscripts c

Admits that it was his own fault that the letters were lost, and only regrets that his mother has had to write again. Reports that his spiritual discoveries 'are rather languishing at present', and that Uncle Robert has sent him a newspaper containing a story about a woman's dream which predicted the death of her son. Admits that he is getting very lazy about his German. Asks her how long she intends to stay at Rugby at Christmas. Refers to the degeneracy of his handwriting. Reports that he has a young American [William Everett] reading with him; 'a very nice fellow though somewhat odd', who has been telling him about America. Refers to the [British] press, which was full of 'those foolishly irritating articles', which he thought would bring on a French war. Mentions that he began to think of emigrating to America when they appeared. Reports that the Rifle-corps [in Cambridge] 'are in high glee because Prince Albert has taken them under this protection', and explains that they 'had been almost wet-blanketed by Lord Hardwicke (our Lord Lieutenant) who refused to grant commissions to under-graduates...' Remarks that they show their patriotism for the drill, 'for the most part at 8 o clock in the morning...' Supposes that [Charles?] Kingsley 'is strong on Riflecorps', and claims that they are all very well except at Cambridge. Sends his love to Edward.

Add. MS b/65 · File · 1871-1903
Part of Additional Manuscripts b

Correspondence, notes, and printed material largely relating to W. Aldis Wright's work as Secretary of the Old Testament Revision Company. Includes correspondence from: S. R. Driver; F. J. A. Hort; W. F. Moulton, J. Troutbeck, Maxwell Ben-Oliel; Connop Thirwell, G. C.M. Douglas, Frederick Field, John Dury Geden and Charles Kingsley along with several copies/drafts of letters by W. Aldis Wright to others. Notes by William Barnes; R. L. Bensly, Schiller-Szinessy, William Selwyn, and others. Includes material on the disposition of the remaining funds after the completion of the project.

Wright, William Aldis (1831-1914), literary and biblical scholar