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References to the works of John Stuart Mill, William Hamilton and Herbert Spencer. Some later additions and annotations in Sidgwick's hand, and some pencilled annotations in another hand re. existing notes and on reverse of last page.

Drafts of poems and printed poems by Shilleto, Robert Burn, Sir William Hamilton, Morris Moore, Richard Okes, as well as those signed with initals only: J. B., H., and W. S. [William Selwyn?]. Poems include Hamilton's "Sonnet on the Meeting of the British Association at Cambridge, 1833", W. S.'s "Experience of Magnetic Belt", four lines by H. starting "The Lytteltons give all the time up to cricket," Robert Burn's "Piscator," Morris Moore junor's formal address to Thompson, 30 July 1869. On the verso of one set of poems is a printed list of freshmen, 1882.

The collection also includes a letter (in French) dated 9 March 1869 from A. Bos, Italian translator of G. H. Lewes's Physiology of Common Life asking about a report from the Evening Standard that the students have been served donkey at Trinity.
The collection is accompanied by two letters from W. Wollaston Groome to Mr Dykes dated May 1919 relating to the provenance of the verses, and his personal memories of W. H. Thompson.

7 Camden Street, Camden Town - Sir William Hamilton has accused De Morgan of having taken his 'paper on logic from private communication with him'. As he had no communication with Hamilton till after his paper had been dispatched to Whewell, the date of the letter could become the turning point of a priority controversy.

7 Camden St. & Town - WW's practice of keeping letters will rank next to George Airy 'for extreme method', which he caricatures. Discusses his dispute with Sir William Hamilton, who is recovering from illness and will be treated with consideration; describes what he did when he realised their conclusions were similar. Is glad Whewell's recollection of the meeting is the same as De Morgan's, and will have a meeting with Charles Babbage privately about it.

7 Camden Street, Camden - Whewell is to receive a copy of De Morgan's paper on logic. He has Sir William Hamilton's system of logic in the work of Hamilton's pupil, Thomas S. Baynes, An Essay on the New Analytic of Logical Forms. The requisites of this essay made the foundation of Hamilton's charge on him of intellectual theft. He and Boole come in for a lecture against meddling with logic with help of mathematics. He asks Whewell to read it and inform him 'if these things will strike others as being as monstrous as they do me' De Morgan will next look at 'the relation between the laws of enunciation and the laws of thought', and reminds WW of their former discussion on enunciation.

7 Camden St. and Town - Apologises for not thanking Whewell earlier for a copy of his polemic with Henry Mansel. He has been stimulated by a mathematical axiom: one of his pupils has found that he never has to use more than four colours when drawing countries which have a common boundary line. He is preparing a paper on algebra in which it is 'distinguished into 'formal' and 'material' - and this is much connected with the same view of logic'. William Hamilton claims that 'a proposition, as to logical import - nothing but an equation or non-equation between the quantities of its term - merely - and the coalescence of two terms into one notion is a consequence ('consequent upon') of the equation. To my untutored mind, it is the other way - declaration of coalescence - followed by equation of quantity for a consequence'.

7 Camden Street, N.W. - Thinks that all the systems of general logic hitherto have been too mathematical and that William Hamilton Is 'the most ultra-mathematical of the too mathematical logicians', De Morgan 'cannot help laughing - but so it is. And this conclusion has been gradually evolved by symbolic thought'. Asks for help with names for logical entities, for example if A is essential to B, what is B to A - is there something better than 'Dependent'? He gives other examples of where he needs words to describe certain relationships.

41 Chalcot Villas, Adelaide Road NW - By 'mortal coil - which we shuffle off -', Shakespeare meant 'the body - not by any means a mere wrapper: Shakespeare was 'alluding to the body as the trouble which there would be an end of'. William Hamilton is clear and acute with his psychology but confounds 'the infinite and the absolute - makes his usual mistake about quantity - all somewhat resembling his confusion of identification and equation'. Gives his remarks on the 36 syllogisms he detects in Hamilton's work.

Writes on philosophy in Cambridge. States that the correspondence of Hare and Whewell gives him the impression 'that there was very little mental philosophy read at Cambridge in their younger days'. Whewell's lectures were very well attended in the early years after he was appointed professor, but the numbers attending declined after he began to develop his new system. Refers to the paper set on philosophy for the Trinity Fellowships, and to Trinity lecturers Thompson and Cope. Refers to his own undergraduate days from 1844 to 1848, and mentions the works on philosophy which were influential at that time: an article of ancient philosophy by [Maurice], and Lewes' Biographical History of Philosophy. Believes that Lewes led him and many of his contemporaries to read J.S. Mill.

States that in St. John's College in his time 'a meagre abridgement of Locke used to be read in the first year, which 'finally disappeared under Roby's zealous efforts to reform [the students].' In relation to mental philosophy in those days, remarks that there 'must have been persons who were fond of [it]', and reports that he say a copy of the French translation of some of Sir W. Hamilton's essays in the private room of the mathematical tutor Mr Hopkins. Relates that Herschel's [Preliminary Discourse on [the Study of] Natural Philosophy 'was a book much read at Cambridge'. Mentions the absence of any account of the Greek Philosophy in Thirlwall's History [of Greece], and the political activity in England consequent on the Reform Bill and its results, as possible causes of the lack of interest in [mental philosophy].

Refers to a perceived 'taste for philosophy' arising in the previous thirty years at Cambridge, and cites theological influences as the possible cause, e.g., Butler's Analogy [of Religion], the sermons of Harvey Goodwin, and Dr Mill's contact with Hare and his Christian Advocate publications. Relates having, with others, admired the Sermons of Archer Butler, and having encouraged Macmillan to buy Butler's manuscripts, and publish the Lectures on Ancient Philosophy. Thinks that they appeared in 1856. Refers to Sir W. Hamilton, who 'became first known to most Cambridge men for his attacks on mathematics and on the Universities', and to W. Walton 'of Trinity Hall formerly of Trin. Coll.'. Adds that in 1834 'Sterling and J.C. Hare and others wanted to found a prize for Essays on the Philosophy of Christianity in honour of Coleridge', but the H[eads] would not allow it. Announces that he shall publish two letters from Whewell to Hare on the subject.

Says that his association with Henry Sidgwick in 1870 was 'so unusual, and place[s Sidgwick's] kindness in so striking a light', that he [Gardner] is tempted briefly to record it. Relates that as an undergraduate he had not met Sidgwick, nor attended any of his lectures, but that, when resident after his degree, he wrote two papers on philosophical subjects, which were shown to Sidgwick by Gardner's tutor, Mr Peile. Sidgwick must have seen some promise in them, and consequently arranged that Gardner should lecture Sidgwick' undergraduate students on Kant and Hamilton for one half of the term, and Sidgwick take them for the other half. Wonders whether this arrangement might not have been very fair on the students, but states that it was 'a kindly and generous act' on the part of Sidgwick. Refers also to the long talks he had with Sidgwick at that time, but does not trust his memory to repeat them. Says that Sidgwick's 'fearless honesty [and] his transparent sincerity' deeply impressed him, and made him feel afterwards that 'these were especially the qualities which an English philosopher was bound to exhibit in the world of thought....'

Reports that he has been reading and re-reading Henry Sidgwick: A Memoir; says that it deepens and extends his influence, and is the best assurance that those who knew Henry can have 'of his continued presence and unfailing sympathy.' Recalls that he first became acquainted with Henry in the late 1860s, and states that he writes to draw attention to 'a phase of his work which is not noticed' in the book. States that about that time Henry and others introduced a system of inter-collegiate lectures 'which were of inestimable value to impecunious students.' Refers to his own experience of this arrangement and to the benefits that he derived from it. Mentions the names of several men from whom he received tuition, including Mr Beatson at Pembroke, Henry, Mr Levine, Mr Percy Gardner, Mr [Henry?] Jackson and Mr Marshall. Claims that he owed his first class to Henry's lectures and the papers that he did for him. Refers to The Methods of Ethics, and also to Henry's lectures on metaphysics, Whewell, Hamilton, Bentham, Mill and Kant, and relates how he convinced him on the question of Utilitarianism. Refers also to Henry's stammer, without which, he claims' 'note-taking would have been impossible.'

Copied by Helen Taylor. Date of original letter 18 May 1865. Thanks him for his examination of Sir William Hamilton's philosophy. He agrees with him, thinks his contribution to philosophy is 'overrated'.

Thanks Mayor for returning his MS. Claims that if he had been confident enough in his memory to serve Mayor's or Nora Sidgwick's purpose regarding 'the philosophical discussions at Trumpington' he would have answered him before. Is confused about dates, but states that he has little doubt that he first went to Professor Grote's house to listen to, and occasionally read, philosophical papers in the October term of 1863. States that the only other people who attended these meetings at this time were Henry Sidgwick, 'John Venn of Caius, and Pearson of St John's'. Describes the attributes of each of those who attended, and remarks that Sidgwick obviously preferred ethics to metaphysics, and recalls [Professor] Alfred Marshall emphasising his admiration of this side of Sidgwick very soon after he made his acquaintance. Refers to Sidgwick's opinion of Kant and Hegel, and to the intuitionalism 'which in the end he united with his utilitarianism'. Is uncertain as to whether he gave any measure of assent to the first fundametal proposition of 'Ferrier's Institutes of Metaphysics'

Wishes that he could remember more of the actual papers that Sidgwick read to the Philosophical Society, which was, after Grote's death, called the Grote Society, but has the impression that 'they were tentatives towards the kind of line which he afterwards took in the Methods of Ethics'. Refers also to Sidgwick's attitude to metaphysics. Believes that J.S. Mill was the philosopher whom he always admired and trusted the most. Holds, however, that he changed his view of Mill between 1863 and 1873, citing his reaction to Mill's Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy, and to Fitzjames Stephen's attack on Mill in Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity.

Refers to Grote's view of ethics and metaphysics, and to his Treatise on the Moral Ideals, and to the similarities between him and Sidgwick. Refers also to other members of the society, such as Henry Jackson and Maurice. Recalls Sidgwick's good opinion of Venn, who was a great admirer of Mill, and names other members of the society, such as W. K. Clifford and T. W. Levin. Recalls also that when he [Mozley] went to Clifton in September 1864, Sidgwick wrote to somebody, referring to him as 'the first original a priori philosopher that has trod the streets of Cambridge for many a day'. Does not think that Herbert Spencer was ever a great favourite in the society, but had himself a great respect for him 'as the founder of the theory of evolution.' Adds that when 'the old crow, who could count up to five, but not beyond, once came before the Grote Society', Sidgwick 'was unkind enough to doubt his existence' and none of the rest of them could give evidence for him.