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[Part 1.] The impression is being created, particularly in Calcutta, that the Government of India is pursuing a policy of ‘mere repression’. After 17 November there was an outcry against the severe action taken in protection of law-abiding citizens in response to reports of the in-timidation and coercion of the general public into hartals and of non-co-operators having taken control of Calcutta. The subsequent proclamations by the Bengal Government prohibiting volunteer associations are the direct cause of the trouble in Calcutta and elsewhere. Large numbers of otherwise respectable persons have been arrested. Has been consulting Ronaldshay constantly. Though a conference would be of doubtful benefit, he thinks it would be right to agree to one if it were suggested. Sapru asked to meet him before yesterday’s meeting of the Executive Council.

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(i) Refers to A3/46/3 and trusts that the Cabinet will understand his reasons for postpon-ing Gandhi’s arrest. The present situation is unclear, except that the resolutions show a great change in the non-co-operators’ attitude, which he attributes to a realisation of the danger and difficulties of carrying out civil disobedience. Reiterates his belief that civil disobedience is ‘the best battle-ground for us’, particularly this year, when the crops are good. Reports indicate dissension in non-co-operation ranks. His decision to postpone the arrest was influenced by a feeling that he could not risk the resignation of Sapru and other Indians, and that the division of the European and Indian elements in Council would be awkward at present, particularly with the Budget question before them. He has been advised that a general railway strike may take place when Gandhi’s arrest is announced, and that mill-hands in various centres will come out. Sapru says he will discover the real meaning of the latest move within two or three days, but believes that it means something ‘really good and lasting’ and that Indians generally regard it as a confession of failure by Gandhi.

(Typed. (ii) is a draft of A3/42/2.)

Refers to Montagu's telegram of 6 June regarding the Prince of Wales's visit. The non-co-operation agitation is now less active. The recantation of the Ali brothers has, he thinks, had a damping effect on the Khilafat supporters and the Gandhi movement, notwithstanding Mohammed Ali's explanation of his apology. Sapru, Shafi, and Malaviya also think the situation improved. Gandhi is not succeeding in obtaining support and money. Butler is dissatisfied with the position in the United Provinces, and wishes to proceed with prosecutions against the Independent and others; the Government of India will decide on their policy on Friday. Is concerned at the number of youths in gaol for lesser offences, and favours releasing them upon expressions of regret and promises of future good behaviour. So long as Gandhi pursues his present policy of less virulence and refrains from preaching active hatred of the Government, no action should be taken by the Government; but prosecutions should be instituted wherever speeches are made inciting to violence, or whenever the agents of the non-co-operationist movement lie about Government action or preach hatred of it. It is not always easy to distinguish between speeches denouncing Government policy and thus exciting disaffection against it, and speeches containing serious mis-statements, accompanied by incitement to hatred, but he recommends prosecution only in the latter case at present.

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Part 2. Sapru agreed that, though leaders should be arrested, they should avoid arresting others and let those arrested go if possible. There are large numbers of excitable people wishing to be arrested, and public opinion is difficult to manage. Reading took the opportunity of a deputation yesterday to express his views, emphasising, however, the importance of continuing protection against intimidation.

(Typed. Continued from A3/14/1.)

Refers to his official telegram of the 16th for the resolutions of the Bombay conference, which he does not think worthy of consideration, as they are merely the views of Gandhi. Lloyd reports that the conference was a fiasco, and that only about twenty would sign the resolutions. Malaviya has arrived, but Reading has postponed seeing him till after this evening’s debate on the matter in the Legislative Assembly. Vincent and Sapru are the chief speakers for the Government, whose view is that the terms put forward are impossible. Sir C. S. Nair, who presided over the first two days of the conference, is convinced that Gandhi only wanted a conference in order to obtain his own ‘irreducible terms’. Gandhi’s irreconcilable attitude is, Reading thinks, a tactical mistake, as it has estranged men who were momentarily inclined to join him. Moreover, the Bombay conference has for the present destroyed all notions of a round-table conference, which was the preferred course of the moderates. He continues in his view that no conference can be considered without assurances that non-co-operationists will cease unlawful activities, and that Gandhi will give no such assurance.

(Cuttings from a larger document, pasted to a sheet of paper.)

Malaviya has agreed to become a member of the committee appointed in connection with the Prince of Wales’s visit. Gwalior and Bikaner will also attend the meetings, though not as members, as will Shafi and Sapru. The inclusion of Malaviya is bold but wise, for though he is not quite a non-co-operator, he is in sympathy with Gandhi regarding social reform and carries weight with ‘thoughtful’ Indians; he seems increasingly inclined to advocate constitutional means for enforcing swaraj, and may eventually have a moderating influence on Gandhi's chief supporters and perhaps Gandhi himself. Malaviya is presently giving evidence before Rawlinson's Army Committee; he favours the formation of officer training corps at the univer-sities (a proposal which Reading thinks could be effected) and wants the Prince's visit to be identified with their formation. It is important that Malaviya should be associated with the Government in preparing a welcome to the Prince. Gandhi's social reform programme is meeting with success; he has just collected over a crore of rupees as a result of an appeal, though some of the money may not be paid. Many of the subscriptions are earmarked for particular reforms. These subscriptions are a tribute to Gandhi's moral and religious elevation. Many of them are not strictly political, but they produce an effect on the public mind. Gandhi is more criticised politically than before. It is unclear what his attitude will be to the Prince's visit. Refers to Montagu's telegram of 5 July: does not think the situation altered by subscription.

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Part 2. He hopes that the arrival of Malaviya, whom he is about to meet, may assist a solution of the crisis. Sapru will arrive on the 21st, with Jamnadas Dwarkadas, Mrs Besant, etc., to try to arrange a conference. Sapru continues to act loyally. Dwarkadas has gone to Bombay, apparently to see whether Gandhi would be willing to join in a conference. He believes Gandhi’s presence at a conference essential, and will invite him if necessary. There has been practically no violent disorder yet. His main object at present is to enable the Prince’s visit to take place without demonstrations, etc., during his stay at Calcutta. The hartal will only be a problem if it affects transport. The Prince has written to point out that his visits to universities have been attended by humiliatingly small numbers of students; his degree will therefore be conferred upon him at Government House instead of Calcutta University. Reading has cancelled his at-tendance at a Bar dinner in his honour, as a number of vakils and pleaders were proposing to boycott it; but a recent garden party at Belvedere was well attended.

(Typed. Continued from A3/14/5.)

Refers to A3/1/5. Is ready to see Jinnah at any time. There is nothing special in his demands regarding the Punjab. (1) There are two Indians of minor importance in the employ of the Punjab Government whose dismissal was asked for by the Congress Committee’s report, but it would be impossible to dismiss them without dismissing superior British officers, which is impossible. (2) Regrets have been expressed more than once for mistakes made, and he does not believe there is much in this point now. (3) Has stated publicly that humiliation on a racial basis cannot and must not happen, has affirmed the principle of racial equality, and has stated that he is considering what amendment of the law is necessary. (4) At a recent meeting of the Executive Council regarding the Committee on Repressive Legislation they discussed the disclosure of the Martial Law Manual to the members of the Committee. The general view opposed disclosure but left the matter to the discretion of Dr Sapru and Sir W[illiam] Vincent, if and when a demand was made. None has yet been made, and the Committee is nearing its conclusion. It is doubtful whether disclosure would allay discontent. A rumour that Reading intends to dissolve the Councils towards the end of the year and to announce a considerable advance in reforms has led to anxiety among moderates, and they are issuing a communiqué to deny it. Agrees that no-one can predict the pace at which reforms should occur, and will probably discuss the point at the next session of the Legislative Assembly, but points out that the reforms are only a few months old and have not been tested. Agrees with Montagu regarding Jinnah’s suggestions about the army. Will not express any views regarding reforms of Councils at present. Praises their work so far. Thinks it natural that they should talk of further powers, as they have to meet the propaganda of non-co-operationists who claim they have none at present. The results of the Press Act Committee and the Repressive Legislation Committee show that the Assembly has been able to obtain relief which the non-co-operationists could not secure.

(Typed.)