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Has just had an interview with the King, and has done his best to allay his anxiety at reports that action is being taken against the innocent dupes of the non-co-operators in India rather than the ringleaders, particularly Gandhi. He also reassured him with regard to the Prince of Wales’s safety. Asks whether there is any truth in the report that, when no students attended the degree ceremony attended by the prince at Benares, high school boys were brought in to fill the vacant places. The King urged that the prince should omit Lahore from his tour.

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It is difficult to predict the results of the Congress meeting at Ahmedabad and the Khil-afat Committee of the All-India Moslem League. Hazrat Mohani’s speech in favour of elimi-nating the doctrine of non-violence from the Congress resolution and declaring for complete independence and a republic was well received, though defeated. Gandhi opposed it, but pos-sibly from mere expediency, and some consider he may be preparing eventually for revolution with violence. Lloyd is strongly opposed to a conference, and wishes to arrest Gandhi. The question is to be discussed in Council. Reading believes they should wait until he takes a defi-nite step, and points out that Gandhi’s speeches at Congress concentrated on the enrolment of volunteers sworn to non-violence and to meeting peacefully to promote the cause of the Congress volunteers and to protest against a law which leads to the arrest of those whose only offence, as Gandhi’s supporters say, is non-co-operation. This is the view of Congress, which Reading does not accept, pointing out that intimidatory acts are common amongst the volun-teers but that it is very difficult to obtain evidence against the offenders. In view of the resolu-tion in favour of civil disobedience, they will watch events carefully. ‘Gandhi is appointed Dic-tator and can do as he pleases.’ And if he is arrested another will take his place, with the stimu-lus that Gandhi, ‘the saint’, is in prison. The visit of the Prince of Wales would not prevent him from arresting Gandhi, if necessary. He could not give the assurance requested by Lloyd, but believes he is right in thinking that Malaviya, etc., are working to get Gandhi to assent to a conference. He cannot see any alternative to either pursuing the present line of prosecutions, etc., or meeting in conference.

According to a bulletin issued by the Indian News Agency, the principal feature of the All-India Congress Committee meeting at Bombay is the personal ascendancy of Gandhi, who has threatened to sever all connections with the movement if his demands are not met. Malaviya opposed a boycott of the Prince of Wales’s visit, and it appears that the boycott will be confined to abstention from official rejoicings and that no hartals will be observed. Gandhi’s concentration on the boycott of foreign cloth has led to much discussion.

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Photographs signed and dated by Prince Albert and Prince Henry.

Refers to A3/9/2. Nothing is reported as having happened as the result of the meetings at which the formula of the Ali brothers has been repeated, and he has not yet received the opinion of the Bombay Government’s legal advisers, nor the Government of India’s views on the expected effect of Gandhi’s arrest. The Government will lose no time [in taking action], but there are unavoidable delays in obtaining evidence. He infers that when Montagu sent his telegram he had not yet received his own of the 11th [A3/8/9]. His view is stiffening against the arrest of Gandhi, in the hope that his ‘bombshell’ may become a ‘squib’. Is examining the po-lice precautions in connection with the Prince of Wales’s visit. Agrees, for the most part, with Montagu’s objections to the suggested conference.

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Has just returned from the Lake Hunt, 'stiff, but not crippled': describes some events of the three days of hunting, including being a hare on Sunday, when he 'enticed 3 hounds up Kirkfell (nearly 3000 feet)'; draws a map [on the last page] to illustrate his capture by hounds including Charles and young George. Was driven to catch his train by [Laurence John?] Cadbury 'who makes cocoa' in 'a care that looks as if it were made of silver'; the roads were 'full of Whitsuntide motors' but Cadbury 'drives very skilfully' and, passing the cars and charabancs where he could, sometimes went up to 80 miles an hour by the speedometer when the road was clear. Has almost recovered from the 'stiffness' caused by the Hunt. The Sangers and Dorothy Reece [later Dorothy Archibald] have been visiting; Mrs Sanger is still here, until Monday, when [Goldsworthy Lowes] Dickinson is visiting. Elizabeth went up to London with Mr Sanger and Daphne to see Wagner's "Meistersinger", and returns tonight. The 'Exhibition has been demolished' after 'enormous' crowds in its last days, including 'the chairman of the I[ndependent] L[abour] P[arty: Clifford Allen], the ex-President of the Board of Works, the King, the Prince of Wales in Ivel cheese, and several distinguished literary personages.' Hopes Julian is enjoying bathing.

Thanks her for her letter [101/161], and regrets that her account [of her sister Elizabeth] is not more favourable. Assures her that she has done all that she could do 'in making the trial', and hopes that when she has got away from Fulford she will be able to distract her mind somewhat from his aunt's 'painful state.' Announces that he may come down to Rugby as early as Thursday the second, and certainly not later than the morning of Saturday 4 June. States that his friend Cowell will come too.

Announces that the Prince and Princess of Wales are to be in Cambridge for the 2 and 3 June, and he cannot decide whether he shall stay to help entertain them. States that [the College] is to give a grand ball in Neville's Court on 4 June, and that he considers the proposal 'unseemly', and opposed it. Since it is going ahead, would 'gladly' take part, but 'cannot think of any family with marriageable girls whom [he] could ask'. Intends to stay until the Tuesday or Wednesday of the week following. Reports that he has been 'up to town and had a glimpse of the Royal Academy [summer exhibition]' States that Arthur has not been asked to go to Rugby, and Henry believes that 'he will get much good from Cambridge for a year or two yet.'

Malaviya has agreed to become a member of the committee appointed in connection with the Prince of Wales’s visit. Gwalior and Bikaner will also attend the meetings, though not as members, as will Shafi and Sapru. The inclusion of Malaviya is bold but wise, for though he is not quite a non-co-operator, he is in sympathy with Gandhi regarding social reform and carries weight with ‘thoughtful’ Indians; he seems increasingly inclined to advocate constitutional means for enforcing swaraj, and may eventually have a moderating influence on Gandhi's chief supporters and perhaps Gandhi himself. Malaviya is presently giving evidence before Rawlinson's Army Committee; he favours the formation of officer training corps at the univer-sities (a proposal which Reading thinks could be effected) and wants the Prince's visit to be identified with their formation. It is important that Malaviya should be associated with the Government in preparing a welcome to the Prince. Gandhi's social reform programme is meeting with success; he has just collected over a crore of rupees as a result of an appeal, though some of the money may not be paid. Many of the subscriptions are earmarked for particular reforms. These subscriptions are a tribute to Gandhi's moral and religious elevation. Many of them are not strictly political, but they produce an effect on the public mind. Gandhi is more criticised politically than before. It is unclear what his attitude will be to the Prince's visit. Refers to Montagu's telegram of 5 July: does not think the situation altered by subscription.

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He relies on Reading to make such changes to the Prince of Wales’s programme as the intended arrest of Gandhi will necessitate.

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Giving advice based on his experiences with Prince Edward at Oxford.

Refers to A3/8/1. He had feared that Gandhi would force Reading’s hand, and agrees that he must be arrested. Other arrests will probably be necessary, and Gandhi is likely to make good the claim that it was his influence alone which was safeguarding the country from violence. Asks what plans have been made to cope with the efforts that will be made to secure his release, and what bearing he thinks such considerations will have on the Prince of Wales’s visit.

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Part 3. He has, however, made it clear that he remains open to discuss grievances. His main concern is to arrange a proper reception for the Prince. With reference to A3/12/4, just received, he points out that he is attempting to minimise arrests. The crisis was unavoidable and may be repeated, but a successful visit of the Prince to Calcutta will improve the situation. The alarming nature of press reports at home cannot be controlled, and it is also the case that subordinates do not always act with restraint.

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Refers to Reading’s communications regarding Gandhi and the Prince of Wales’s visit. The Cabinet’s opinion is that Gandhi’s arrest and trial are inevitable and preferable to deportation, and that action should be taken promptly. Suggests that Gandhi might be deported after conviction, perhaps to Ceylon. The Cabinet believes that the Prince of Wales’s visit should proceed as planned unless the effect of Gandhi’s arrest leads Reading to ask for a postponement at the last minute. Montagu opposes the conference proposed by Malaviya, thinking that it would be disloyal to those elected members of the legislatures who have determined to make the most of the Government of India Act to discuss political questions with those with no representative position, and that as Gandhi has declared that he wishes to make Government impossible, he does not see how Reading can confer with him about improving the Act. A conference with the legislatures or their representatives would be another matter. Emphasises that it would be difficult to persuade Parliament to alter the Act without evidence of a defect in it or some alteration in the political situation.

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Part 2. With regard to amending the [Government of India] Act, they are bound by the period mentioned in it, though Parliament might consent to an earlier period if it chose; but though he can conceive proposals for amendments to improve the constitutional machinery and advancing towards Dominion status, he is not prepared to advise this step at present. Malaviya has asked him to receive a deputation on the 21st to request a conference, but he has refused to do so unless the boycott of the Prince of Wales’s visit was called off. He added, however, that if Gandhi and his associates were to make such a gesture he would withdraw the proclamation against volunteers and release certain prisoners, and Ronaldshay is pursuing a similar course. He has made a number of cautious reservations to Malaviya about the holding of a conference.

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Refers to A3/40/1 and observes that the date of the debate coincides with the arrival of the Prince of Wales at Delhi. The arrest of Gandhi should be announced by Montagu, but he thinks it would be unfair to the Prince to make the arrest less than 48 hours before he arrives at ‘the capital of the Empire’. As the Bombay Government say that the arrest could not be made before Monday, Reading has postponed it till Tuesday, after the Prince’s reception, and he will advise Montagu when the arrest takes place, so that he can announce it in the House. He cannot reply about the military budget, since, if the decision is indeed vested in him, he ought not to make his views known in advance. He thinks more Indians will accept Gandhi’s arrest now than at any previous time: Malaviya, Jinnah, and others have published expres-sions of disgust at Gandhi’s attitude, and the incidents at Gorakhpur and Bareilly have fright-ened people. He is disturbed by the views of the Bombay Government’s legal advisers, who doubt whether the Bardoli Resolutions and Gandhi’s speeches there on civil disobedience amount to an offence, and are therefore prosecuting for his earlier writings, but he is agreeing to this course, as he believes now is the time to arrest him.

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10, Downing Street, Whitehall: Thanks him for the letter, which gave him rare pleasure; continues, "What has happened will be for the good of the nation and I am thankful for the way in which it has come about. There were many dangerous possibilities of real trouble, but thank God that time is past."

He was cordially welcomed on his state entry to Calcutta yesterday, and he affirmed his confidence in Lord Ronaldshay to a deputation from the municipality. He believes his recent statements about the Graeco-Turkish situation have had a good effect, and that the non-co-operationists are undecided as to what they should do next. He will discuss the arrangements for the Prince of Wales’ arrival at Calcutta with Ronaldshay on the 24th. Malaviya met him at Benares and asked him to mitigate his recent pronouncements regarding intimidation and the determination to enforce the law, but Reading refused, drawing attention to the widespread hartals and the disturbances in Bombay. He hopes, however, that there will not be too much zeal to arrest. He will discuss Bengal finances with Hailey next week, and is considering calling a meeting of all the Provincial Governments to discuss the matter.

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Refers to A3/27/9. Has replied to A3/27/5. Is distressed to hear the view that they were frightened to strike against the ringleaders, but is sure that Montagu did his best to explain the situation to the King. Colonel Kaye reports that the situation in Lahore has improved. Discusses the engagements arranged for the Prince there.

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1 Carlton House Terrace, S.W.—Reading’s long telegram [A3/10/6] gives no clear impression of definite purpose or moral strength, and he seems to be constrained from acting by fears that his advice about the Prince of Wales’s visit will not be justified by the consequences. Agrees to intervene in the debate, if possible.

Malaviya has come to see him, urging that, when the Prince of Wales arrives, an announcement should be made that all remaining martial law prisoners will be released, and that the British Government will undertake to do its utmost for the restoration of Thrace and Smyrna to Turkey. Malaviya believes this would effect a marked change, and a conference could be called to discuss swaraj. Reading pointed out that, with regard to the prisoners, he had already done the utmost he could recommend. Malaviya suggested it might be politically expedient, and Reading asked for whom he was speaking, suspecting him of being optimistic as to Gandhi’s future action. Malaviya admitted it, but claimed to speak for most Indian people, and pointed out that he had persuaded Gandhi to mollify his statements regarding the people’s attitude on the Prince’s visit. But Reading was little impressed, pointing out that all Gandhi’s organs continued to advocate boycott, and that his few sentences in Young India were of little account compared with previous injunctions and resolutions. He believes Malaviya is anxious for the success of the visit, but is powerless in view of the political crowds surrounding Gandhi. Reading told him that his policy of conciliation had failed, and that Gandhi and his movement had become more violent. Malaviya objected that, though a resolution for civil disobedience had been passed, there was little enthusiasm for it outside the Committee and a few extremists, and claimed conciliation was working. He suggested holding a conference at which all the various parties would be represented, and asserted that Gandhi would attend. Reading asked for more precise proposals, and Malaviya said he would consider the matter with his friends. He believes Malaviya and Jinnah are working together, but does not know how far they represent Gandhi. Malaviya believes Gandhi intended to spend one or two months at a village in Gujarat organising civil disobedience, but this is doubtful.

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(i) The annexed telegram will be ‘all right’ if sent tomorrow morning. There is no chance of consulting the Prime Minister tonight, except at the risk of having the matter turned down out of hand.

(ii) He has been unable to obtain a Cabinet decision on Reading's telegram [A3/15/1–3], but the Prime Minister has authorised him to say that the Government accept Reading’s conclusions, provided that (1) the conference is conditional upon a change of attitude as to the Prince’s visit; (2) it will be in other respects unconditional on both sides; and (3) Reading would enter it under no other pledge than to listen and discuss, and report afterwards to the Government.

[Part 1.] The Prince of Wales will arrive on the 24th. Any arrangements must be made before his own departure on the 22nd. The immediate objective is to prevent trouble or demonstrations during the Prince’s arrival. The Calcutta visit is of special because an unpleasant reception there would have a particularly strong effect on public opinion in England and even in India, and would provoke racial bitterness. The proclamation of volunteers in this province and others, and the subsequent demonstrations and arrests, have led to tension, which though presently non-violent, is bent on getting respectable Indians to protest against the Government and to associate prosecution with non-co-operation. The imprisonment of respectable men and reports of high-handed action have caused emotion even among moderates in Ben-gal, though Ronaldshay is trying to prevent excesses and correct abuses. The immediate objective can only be achieved by Reading’s immediate promise to invite members of the various political sections to attend a conference at Delhi, probably in January. He has desired all along to understand the agitators’ practical propositions; the meaning of swaraj, in particular, has never yet been defined. There appears, however, to be a general desire for responsible government. Nothing can be done, of course, without the assent of Cabinet and the approval of Parliament.

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Refers to Montagu's telegram of 6 June regarding the Prince of Wales's visit. The non-co-operation agitation is now less active. The recantation of the Ali brothers has, he thinks, had a damping effect on the Khilafat supporters and the Gandhi movement, notwithstanding Mohammed Ali's explanation of his apology. Sapru, Shafi, and Malaviya also think the situation improved. Gandhi is not succeeding in obtaining support and money. Butler is dissatisfied with the position in the United Provinces, and wishes to proceed with prosecutions against the Independent and others; the Government of India will decide on their policy on Friday. Is concerned at the number of youths in gaol for lesser offences, and favours releasing them upon expressions of regret and promises of future good behaviour. So long as Gandhi pursues his present policy of less virulence and refrains from preaching active hatred of the Government, no action should be taken by the Government; but prosecutions should be instituted wherever speeches are made inciting to violence, or whenever the agents of the non-co-operationist movement lie about Government action or preach hatred of it. It is not always easy to distinguish between speeches denouncing Government policy and thus exciting disaffection against it, and speeches containing serious mis-statements, accompanied by incitement to hatred, but he recommends prosecution only in the latter case at present.

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Refutes reports of disturbances in the Bengal Legislative Council, which is not now in session. The truth of the matter is that an attempt was made to disrupt a sheriff’s meeting to arrange a reception for the Prince of Wales.

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India Office.—In view of Gandhi’s decision to call off civil disobedience, he is not surprised that the Government of India has decided to postpone his arrest, but the result will probably increase the Secretary of State [Montagu]’s difficulties with the House of Commons. It can be argued that the respite will allow the non-co-operators to become better organised; but on the other hand many in India believe that the movement has only been sustained by the opportunity given to them by the Prince of Wales’s visit to organise hartals and provoke a reaction from Government, and that the discredit which has now accrued to them and the dissipation of their funds may cause them to lose ground. In either case, he does not think this a good moment to undertake what may be a serious struggle, if it can be postponed. ‘The Empire has too many unsolved difficulties which cumulatively may be too much for its strength. All its other principal difficulties aggravate and complicate the Indian one, and they ought to be got rid of in the proper order. … To my mind that order should be, Ireland, Egypt or Turkey, India.’