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Expresses his delight with the proof of Sidgwick's article, which he has just been reading. Claims that it gives him a better idea than ever of Bentham's personality. Praises the 'serious criticisms', and the 'pages [on] the Deontology'. Remarks on the fact that in the ten years he has been editor of the Fortnightly [Review], Sidgwick had never before contributed any work to it. Comments that he believes that '[Helvétius] only picked up an idea that was in the air, when he made the legislator the origin of [ ], and their master.' Mentions Rousseau and his Social Contract, which came out [four] years after De l'Esprit, and refers to the [Physiocrats]. Refers also to Swift's account of L'Esprit. Asks Sidgwick to return his proof as soon as he can, as the preparations for the publication 'are rather late already.'

Should have thanked Nora before for the proofs of The Development of European Polity. Does not find that Henry Sidgwick expresses any disagreement with him in the chapters that he has read. Agrees 'pretty completely with him' and is glad to find certain opinions which he had formed about Hobbes 'confirmed and cleared.' Refers to a 'slip' on page 387, involving a reference to [Maine] and Rousseau. Asks Nora to let him know if she wishes to have the proofs returned to her.

Refers to a paper he wrote on the proposed reform in the Classical Tripos, in which he urged the introduction of philosophy 'on the ground that the subjects with which philosophy is occupied are far more directly useful in after life than those with which philology is occupied.' Refers to Mr Vansittart's answer to his argument, and claims to feel somewhat hurt at the tone of the latter's sentences. It never occurred to him in writing his paper 'that useful pursuits could be taken to mean lucrative pursuits'; thinks that it is a pity it occurred to Mr Vansittart in reading it.

To clear himself from suspicion he proposes to give 'the desired definition of usefulness in after life', in order to counter his detractor's arguments. Disputes the opinion that he should adopt 'the doctrine of Mr Mozley' in relation to the matter, and puts forward the view that Cambridge studies 'ought to be such as will be useful in after life' and that they are not sufficiently so. Adds however that he does not maintain 'that they ought to be just such studies and no others, as will be most useful in after life'. Contends that the way in which a study can best help a man forward in his occupation is by furnishing him with the general principles which apply to it.'

Applies his theory to the case of the study of theology, referring to the fact that a great number of Cambridge students become clergymen. Suggests that the introduction of Greek philosophy into the Tripos examination would be of benefit to such students. Also refers to the benefit of the study of philosophy for English lawyers. Makes reference to Aristotle, and Plato's Republic, and to a treatise by Rousseau on education. Adds that he does not question that the study of philology has its uses. Quotes 'Mr Mill', who claimed that every sentence analysed 'is a lesson in logic', and regrets that grammar 'is not at present taught very rationally at Cambridge.' Believes that the introduction of Sanskrit into the examination in place of history would ruin it. States that if a third dead language is added to the two difficult ones already required he will not have any objection to the examination as such but will 'hope to see it sink decidedly below the level of the Moral Sciences Examination, as dealing with less important subjects, and deprived of the power of conferring a degreee, as an insufficient test of a high education.'

Welcombe, Stratford on Avon. - Hopes that the 'gales will favour' Robert and his family. Has written to Drummond's instructing him to pay the usual fifty pounds into Robert's account. Asks to be remembered to [Bernard] Berenson, and for Robert to send any volume of Chekhov containing something he would recommend reading. Notes that Robert has been reading [Richardson's The History of Sir Charles] Grandison [see 46/257]; Clarissa is a 'thing in itself' but he has scarcely got himself into the right mood to read it twice in his life; feels the same about Rousseau's Confessions. Is reading through Bergk [his edition of the Greek lyric poets].

Writes in relation to Sidgwick's review of his last book in Mind that month. Clarifies the audience at whom it is aimed, and declares that he would have no hesitation in recommending the book to candidates reading for the two examinations with which he has 'most acquaintance', i.e., 'Lit. Hum. and Mod. Hist. at Oxford.' Laments the fact that the subject of Political Science is not recognised in Scotland. Explains that the book grew out of a popular lecture, but that it is based on many years' study of the American and French Declarations of Rights. Claims that '[i]n treating the idea of "natural rights" as "an element of current thought"' he believed that it was as important to deal with popular writers, such as Henry George, as with 'an exposition of Les Naturalis like Father Rickaby or of the doctrine of Naturrecht like Prof Lorimer [or] of his own special views like [W.] Spencer.' In relation to the latter refers to his criticism of his fundamental formula of justice in the book, and claims that he has written much about him in a book called Principles of State-Interferences. With reference to two examples of Ritchie's 'inaccuracy' in his historical statements given by Sidgwick, he does not acknowledge any error, but does concede that the statements 'might certainly be improved and made fuller and less ambiguous.' Refers to the passage 'from [Filmer]', and to the theory of natural rights, which he traces to the Protestant revolt against authority. Admits that it can be traced further back, to medieval writers 'on the ecclesiastical side' who asserted the sovereignty of the people and the right of resistance to tyrants 'when the Church (or the Pope) declared them such.' Claims that Protestantism is 'the logical parent of the French Revolution', but emphasises that he does not assert this claim because Hegel said so. Refers to Locke and Rousseau, and their theories on the sovereignty of the people. Claims not to have ignored the differences between the two, and that he referred to the matter more fully in 'Darwin and Hegel etc. [Essays on 'Social Contract' and 'Sovereignty']', in Principles of State-Interference, and in the translation of [Bluntschli's] Theory of the State. Assures Sidgwick that he does not ask for a reply to his letter, but asks that he or any of his pupils or his friends who have read his book could send him notes on passages that contain inaccuracies or are in need of revision.

Manuscript entitled 'A Common-Place Book, after the Plan recommended by Mr. Locke'. Written below this, 'The Collection was commenced at an early Age, and consequently in the first Pages many Things are inserted, which might as well, and without any Injury to the Book, have been omitted'.

Headings include 'Love', 'Mediocrity', 'Laugh', 'Deluge', 'Liberty', 'Sleep', 'Bees', 'East India Company' ('Surely, as Sovereigns, the company are monopolising against their own interest...', 'Gold',' Women', 'Wit and Humour', 'Impeachment' etc. Beneath these are passages from sources including Shakespeare, Addison, The Spectator and The Tatler, Burney, especially Camilla, Pope, Johnson (especially the Dictionary) and Rousseau.

Much of the material dates from Owen's time at Trinity College; several verses have a strong Cambridge connection, for example 'Song Imitated from Voltaire by Mr Rough, Trin. Coll. Cant.', presumably William Rough. Owen includes his own compositions; his verseas are frequently addressed to young women, eg. 'To Miss Susan Moore. Verses addressed to a beautiful young Lady, on her leaving the pleasant village of Aspley', 'Ode to a young Lady (the same as above) oppressed with the Head-ache', and 'On Miss Stephens, of the Theatre-Royal Covent Garden'. Catherine Philips and 'Miss Fanny Fripp' are each the subject of several poems.

Text is arranged in double columns until around the end of Owen's time at Cambridge; thenceforth, sentences are written across the whole page, but Locke's structure is retained.