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Explains the delay in answering Cowell's letter, claiming that he had mislaid it, and had forgotten where Cowell would be; says that he could only remember that he would be at F[lorence] 'about the beginning of May.' Apologises for his carelessness, and claims that he was further delayed in writing by his having to research some lectures that he had to give on the Acts of the Apostles. Regrets that they could not have met up at Florence. Reports that [Henry Yates?] Thompson's failure in the Tripos took them all by surprise, and that the latter seems to have taken the result 'a good deal too coolly; and to have imitated [George Otto] Trevelyan's dangerous example of reading by himself and doing no composition, without having any of Trevelyan's classical intuition...' Reports that Thompson is now in Auvergne, having perfected his French at Paris, and that Trevelyan has returned from Paris. Expresses some doubts in relation to the latter's account of his and Thompson's sojourn in Paris.

Reports that he himself has been spending his vacation in England, trying to cure his stammering. States that he is an M.A. now, and is getting to see more of the authorities of the College, whom he describes as 'a kind of big children.' Remarks that W.H. Thompson 'improves on acquaintance', and is 'so much more genial than one would have thought.' States that he [Henry] is getting over his old objections against fellow-commoners. Admits that his is a very nice life, and that he actually gets through 'so very little work.' Wishes that he could shake off his laziness and begin to write. Claims that his views on religious and philosophical subjects are 'in a state of change', and wishes that he could talk to Cowell on these matters. Claims to have given up a good deal of his materialism and scepticism, 'and come round to Maurice and Broad Church again...' Claims to be 'deeply impressed by the impotence of modern unbelief in explaining the phenomena which Christians point to as evidences of the Holy Spirit's influence.' Discusses his interpretation of the words 'religious' and 'irreligious' as applied to men.

Hopes that Cowell is 'getting happily and delightfully convalescent' in 'the famous city of Dante' [Florence]. Wonders when he is to return to England, and if his 'distaste for the law and...devotion to philosophy' will continue when his health has improved. Remarks that he always thought that Cowell was made for the practical rather than the speculative life. Reports that the ' [Apostles] Society' flourishes, and that the only new member is [William] Everett, who has considerable interests in Metaphysics. Refers to his 'declamation in chapel', with which the old Dons, especially [William] Whewell, were 'enraptured. Asks for the name of Cowell's guide for [E.E?] Bowen, who plans, with [E.M?] Young, a Swiss tour.

Reports that he found [F.D.?] Maurice 'much better' on his arrival, but that three little girls are in bed with measles. Declares that it is a comfort after his 'pleasant week' at Cambridge not to have to prove the truth of the following lines from a poem by Newman: "'When mirth is full and free Some sudden gloom must be.'" Claims that he hardly ever returns home 'without anticipating calamity.' Declares that he bought Dr. Newman's Poems in London, and tells Sidgwick that he will be pleased with them. Observes that '[t]here is something very tender and courageous in his publishing now some lines he addressed to Frank Newman on the day the latter came of age, when J. Henry Newman was [first] ordained, and the two brothers were full of Evangelical fervour.' Refers to 'The Dream of Gerontius' as 'a striking poem', and discusses his own view of Purgatory, which is like neither Newman's nor Dante's. Refers to an enclosed letter [not included], relating to the general meeting of the Free Christian Union. Asks Sidgwick to let him know if he intends to join, when he returns E. Enfield's letter. Declares that they 'are all very sorry for Theodore, and induced to think Napier was hard on him.'

WW hopes that JCH and Mrs Hare will definitely be coming to Cambridge in April. Trench [Richard Chenevix Trench] and possibly Mrs Trench will be there. WW hopes also that Maurice [John F. D. Maurice] will be around at the same time: 'I hope Maurice has a good prospect of being appointed Reader at Lincoln's Inn. If there is any bencher to whom you would wish me to write pray let me know'.

WW still hopes JCH and Mrs Hare are coming to visit them at Cambridge in October. Trench [Richard Chenevix Trench] will be there every Sunday of that month. WW hope Maurice [John F D Maurice] will come at the same time.

Mattishall - desires to see Bunsen, Arnold's Roman History, Drumann's work on Pompey. introduction of Poor Law Amendment Act resulting in cases of child murder, prefers tending swine to having pupils, Maurice's Kingdom of Christ

Reports that he has been very busy with work, including his membership of sub-committees of the Board of Moral Sciences, which undertake the work of remodeling the Moral Science examination; by doing this kind of work one gains influence, and he wants as much as he can get to 'carry through [his] ideas on the subject, which are rather strong'. Fears that the election of Professor Maurice will bring an end to 'the peaceful times' at Cambridge, and that they 'shall presently be steeped in polemics almost to the same extent as Oxford.' Reports that they had that day been electing the Council of the Senate, and for the first time the parties have been organised enough to 'construct "tickets" of candidates - à l'Américaine'; is not sure whether anything will come of this but an 'increase of party feeling'.

Sends Arthur one of his pamphlets [not included; on reforms to the Classical Studies examination], and asks his mother to tell him that he can send one or two more, if he thinks that 'there are any Rugby people who may be made to come up and vote in case the question comes before the Senate.' Regrets that he did not see William, who had written to say that he could not spare the time. Fears that 'he is partly in the same state of irresolution in which he was in the summer.' Doubts that he shall manage to go to France at Christmas, and states that he may 'turn up again at Rugby.'

Asks her to send 'the Portfolio'; notes that he always leaves something behind. Sends Bishop Westcott's book [not included], which he hopes she will like. States that he had already decided not to go in for the Professorship of Moral Philosophy when he learnt that F. D. Maurice was a candidate. Believes that the latter has the best chance. Predicts that he will be 'a stimulating lecturer', and hopes that he will be a very good appointment, as Cambridge is currently 'in some need of stimulus'; is 'rather sorry' for his friend Venn, who is 'thoroughly of the new school' of which Dr Lightfoot is the most distinguished representation.

Reports that he transmitted his mother's books to Mrs Peile in person, and that the Peiles were in Göttingen 'during the excitement of the change of dynasty in September.' Also reports that they say that all the professional element of society 'rejoiced strongly in the transference', but that the householding element was not very happy about having to entertain a number of Prussian soldiers; the chief discontent being in Hanover. Declares that their hall [at Trinity College] is 'resplendent', and the 'undergraduates call it the "Alhambra"'; the college have introduced 'the disgraceful luxury of chairs' there. Regrets to hear about William, and hopes that he will come over [to Cambridge] soon.

Declares that he has read with interest his correspondent's 'résumé of the fortunes of Philosophy at Cambridge in recent times.' It seems in the main true and consistent with what was said at their 'late meeting'; felt after their interview that he had not done full justice to the philosophic aptitudes of the three men about whom he had specially enquired, and that 'in a more congenial atmosphere they might have formed a genuine philosophic triumvirate, of which Thirlwall with his depth of thought and irony should have been the Socrates, Julius Hare...the Plato, [and] Whewell...the Aristotle.' Believes that the attempt to contract all philosophy within the limits of physics and mathematics, and its 'partial emergence into greater breadth and freedom, through the classical and moral triposes' has been 'fairly sketched and accounted for', and believes that this aspect of the subject cannot be left out as it constitutes a main part of the history of philosophy, and may not be very familiar at Oxford 'or in the world at large.' Admits that [Sidgwick] is probably right about Whewell's later lectures, Maurice's and Grote's. Discusses his own assertions with regard to philosophy's failure as an intellectual system, and its failure to 'sustain the weight of a full and truly human life'. States that he has made one or two slight corrections in his correspondent's paper, and asks him to do likewise with this letter. Gives him permission to append it to his own paper if he so wishes.

Explains his reasons for not replying to Sidgwick's letter of the Spring. Claims that he had begun 'an elaborate answer' when the Christian Union meetings took place. He abandoned the letter after attending one meeting, and then hoped, but failed, to see Sidgwick in London. Refers also to his marriage, and to the fact that he had his hands full, and comments that Sidgwick's letter was one which required a full answer. Hopes that Sidgwick is not prevented from working at University reform, having given up his fellowship. Reports that Maurice writes that 'the welfare of Cambridge depends on a class of residents without College ties springing up.' Claims that 'the abuse at Cambridge is the College', and that by giving up his fellowship Sidgwick is 'more free to attack this abuse.' Expresses his hope to see him on the following Saturday or Sunday.

Mattishall - disappointed that he will not be able to come up to Cambridge and be readmitted to College this term, Trench has a son, Maurice's marriage, works of Aristotle, Queen has measles

Thanks Mayor for returning his MS. Claims that if he had been confident enough in his memory to serve Mayor's or Nora Sidgwick's purpose regarding 'the philosophical discussions at Trumpington' he would have answered him before. Is confused about dates, but states that he has little doubt that he first went to Professor Grote's house to listen to, and occasionally read, philosophical papers in the October term of 1863. States that the only other people who attended these meetings at this time were Henry Sidgwick, 'John Venn of Caius, and Pearson of St John's'. Describes the attributes of each of those who attended, and remarks that Sidgwick obviously preferred ethics to metaphysics, and recalls [Professor] Alfred Marshall emphasising his admiration of this side of Sidgwick very soon after he made his acquaintance. Refers to Sidgwick's opinion of Kant and Hegel, and to the intuitionalism 'which in the end he united with his utilitarianism'. Is uncertain as to whether he gave any measure of assent to the first fundametal proposition of 'Ferrier's Institutes of Metaphysics'

Wishes that he could remember more of the actual papers that Sidgwick read to the Philosophical Society, which was, after Grote's death, called the Grote Society, but has the impression that 'they were tentatives towards the kind of line which he afterwards took in the Methods of Ethics'. Refers also to Sidgwick's attitude to metaphysics. Believes that J.S. Mill was the philosopher whom he always admired and trusted the most. Holds, however, that he changed his view of Mill between 1863 and 1873, citing his reaction to Mill's Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy, and to Fitzjames Stephen's attack on Mill in Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity.

Refers to Grote's view of ethics and metaphysics, and to his Treatise on the Moral Ideals, and to the similarities between him and Sidgwick. Refers also to other members of the society, such as Henry Jackson and Maurice. Recalls Sidgwick's good opinion of Venn, who was a great admirer of Mill, and names other members of the society, such as W. K. Clifford and T. W. Levin. Recalls also that when he [Mozley] went to Clifton in September 1864, Sidgwick wrote to somebody, referring to him as 'the first original a priori philosopher that has trod the streets of Cambridge for many a day'. Does not think that Herbert Spencer was ever a great favourite in the society, but had himself a great respect for him 'as the founder of the theory of evolution.' Adds that when 'the old crow, who could count up to five, but not beyond, once came before the Grote Society', Sidgwick 'was unkind enough to doubt his existence' and none of the rest of them could give evidence for him.

WW was grieved to hear of JCH's sorrow. He does not know if he can help find him a Master for his school. The report from the Syndicate for Classical Education has not yet been finalised: 'At present we are, I think, likely to recommend mainly an improvement in the examination for B.A. degree'. They would introduce amongst other things an epistle, history of the church and the history of the Reformation in England: 'I think this will be a great improvement in our general education, and nearly all that we can usefully do in clerical education'. WW is lecturing on morals and hopes to make his lectures into a system of morality. WW talks a great deal with Worsley [Thomas Worsley] about his plans for morality: 'we often agree that your one fault is that you do not care enough for systems. But this is all that it should be. We, cloistered theorists, are wedded to speculative truth, and you a faithful minister and zealous archdeacon look more to practical matters'. With regard to the principalship of King's College, WW would be happy to help Maurice [Frederick D. Maurice] get the position.

Marshall states in his notes [65/1-2] on the extracts that they are 'from a common place book begun in April 1866, and continued fitfully till the end of 1867'. Explains that all except the first relate to the Grote Club, and refers to its members, including those active in 1867: Professor Maurice, Henry Sidgwick, Venn, J.R. Mozley, and Pearson. States that the latter was a devoted pupil of J. B. Mayor. Refers also to the renewal of the club with the advent of W.K. Clifford and J.F. Moulton. Describes the impression that some of the conversations that took place during the meetings, especially those involving Henry and Professor Maurice, made on him.

First sheet of extracts [65/3] relates to Henry Sidgwick's descriptions of the reactions of Addison and Comte to their imminent deaths. The rest [65/4-16] relate to the Grote Club, and include dates of meetings, members present and matters discussed.

With envelope [65/17] addressed to Nora Sidgwick; annotated in her hand - 'Notes etc from Prof. Marshall. his account of the club is printed in the Memoir. To it are attached [ ] contemporary notes of meetings NB. He says J.B. Mayor will be the best person to ask about it. Early days of it. Tripos... J.B. Mayor and J.R. Mozley about early days of Grote Club.'

WW had a Syndicate meeting today [Syndicate for Theological Education, see WW to JCH, 1 Dec. 1841]: 'I agree with you entirely in repudiating emulation as the sole spring of action in our education. I should be very glad to reduce it within narrow limits in our system, but that I fear cannot now be done, at least not speedily. With regard to theological education, however, I do not think we need admit it to any material extent. I am afraid we cannot work any other way than by examination, at least not to the present satisfaction of the University'. The examination need only be for passing and not for honours. WW has proposed adding the Epistles in the New Testament and a limited portion of church history to the imperative subjects for degrees. WW thinks 'our laymen want a religious education as much as our clergy. Perhaps both measures may be carried'. He is 'somewhat disposed to tell the bishops that if they want to have our system more efficacious, they must acquaint themselves with the courses of theological instruction given by those professors whose subjects bear upon divinity, and regulate a portion of their examinations for ordination by these courses. This would make our lectures of more importance'. WW does not see what more can be done than insisting on formalities.Since examinations take up all the students time a permanent interest in Divinity will only occur if they are connected to the examinations until you can get the influence of exams weakened. WW thinks the books of Maurice [Frederick D. Maurice] - especially 'Kingdom of Christ' (once systematised) - may be made to produce a considerable effect in Cambridge. WW has 'something in my own power as examiner for fellowships. I have already used my influence to introduce an Anti-Lockeian philosophy, and intend to use it for other good purposes'. WW claims 'on etymological grounds as well as others mine is the genuine education. Your poetical or critical man you educate by educing his reasoning power through the discipline of mathematics. The faculty is in him and you draw it out. His poetry or his criticism he gives you spontaneously, you do not need to educe that; it is an effusion. And in like manner the spontaneous mathematician is educated by educing his imaginative and philological faculties'. Without this you would have a mere mathematician and not an educated man.

Re memorial to John Frederick Denison Maurice.

Hagley - pleased with [Richard Chenevix?] Trench's work, [J. F. D.?] Maurice's new edition also good

13 Carlton Terrace - birth of Lyttelton's second daughter [Lucy], debate on Free Trade, may be a coalition before long, [William] Whewell destined to become Master, news of [Thomas?] Carlyle, and [J. F. D.] Maurice

Referring to his bust of F.D. Maurice.

Discusses Henry Sidgwick's work The Development of European Polity, the proofs of which he has just finished reading; finds it more complete than he had though possible. There are many points in it that he would have liked to have discussed with Henry; for example, that he attaches far less weight to 'Seeley's speculations about the Government of England during the XVIIIth century' than Henry appears to do. Refers to Henry's thoughts about Switzerland; is certain that had he lived to complete the book he would have dealt with the issue of how 'in the Swiss cantons there never arose a tyrant....'

Now, since the substance of the book cannot be changed, he has little or nothing, as a critic, to say about it; says, however, how deeply the book impressed him with its value, and praises it as a work of historical speculation. It has been of real help to him in his attempt 'to trace the connection between Law and Opinion during the XIXth century'; gives further details, with reference to collectivism, individualism, socialism, Benthamism, despotism, the relations between Church and State, the development of constitutionalism in England and the emergence of the modern state, as well as the 'Factory Acts', the 'Tory Philanthropists', [J.S.] Mill, and [F.D.] Maurice. Is certain that there are many other people to whom the book will be helpful 'by the direction it gives to their thought and by the mode of thinking, which it encourages.'

Remarks on how sad it must be for Nora to have before her the constant feeling of how much more Henry could have done had he lived longer, but hopes that she can understand what a pleasure and comfort it is to his friends to have the book 'as such an exquisite memorial of him.' Is sending back the proofs separately. Will visit his cousin [Caroline Stephen] at 'The Porch' on Saturday 29 November, and is to spend Sunday there; asks Nora if she will be in Cambridge, as it would be a great pleasure for him if she could see him. Referring back to The Development of European Polity, remarks that he noticed that 'every now and then there were passages where the expression "on the one hand" and "on the other hand" seemed to [him] to have got a little confused', and suggests that 'two pieces from different lectures might have been joined together'. Regrets to say that his wife, who is at Tunbridge Wells, is not very well. Asks for Miss Fawcett's address in South Africa, as he wishes to send her a copy of the sixth edition of his book The Law of the Constitution, which is just coming out.

On embossed notepaper for The Retreat, Hammersmith, W. - Collection for Maurice by members of his Vere Street congregation; invites Houghton to contribute.

Asks Sidgwick if he has mastered Hegelian philosophy. Reminds him that they are all looking to him or John Mozley or both to tell them what he [Hegel] means. Remarks that [Septimus?] Hansard once said that 'he conceived his 'mission' was to translate Maurice to the people. Refers to W.D. Rawlin's 'funny voyage to America with Tom Hughes; remarks that '[w]hatever else it does for him it will probably deliver him from the [ ] represented by The Kiss of Peace.' Asks Sidgwick if he knows who wrote G[ ] Balz. Suspects that it might be Trevelyan, 'if it is not too good for the writer of C[ ].' Hopes to see Sidgwick at Christmas. Reports that he took Louis back to Eton, mainly in order that he may see Cornish, who, he reports, is quite well, and has not yet learnt the Gospel according to Matthew. Claims that it is not easy to have too many Cornishes, 'if they all take after their father.' [incomplete]

Discusses Enfield's plans for the Christian Union, which he considers insufficient. Points out the apparent inconsistency between Enfield's own principle of leaving existing religious organisations alone and placing them all under a common Christian organisation, and his proposal to aid persons 'who in different sects are struggling to widen the terms of admission'. Gives his own view on sects. Agrees with Mr Martineau 'in almost all that he says' and believes, like the latter, of the importance of having 'a symbol of the common Christianity that runs through the sects'. Refers to Enfield's plans to bring out a series of tracts as a means of spreading opinion; suggests that a magazine might be more effective. Refers to an essay that he wrote in W.L. Clay's Essays on Church Policy [1868], in which he tried to demonstrates the common aspects of all sects. Discusses Christianity and Christian morality. Maintains that Enfield's plan contain too many 'negations', and thinks that the test of it will be inducing men like Mr [F. D.?] Maurice or Mr [John Llewellyn?] Davies to sympathise with its ideas.

Reports that she has had some short letters from their travellers [William and Isabella Sidgwick, on their honeymoon], the last two from Palermo, where they have been since 30 March. States that their passage from Naples was 'delightful', and that, according to William, the climate of Palermo is 'perfect', and that both Isabel and he are in good health. Complains that none of the letters sent to them, apart from one from Amabel Thompson have reached William and Isabel by 3 April. Quotes from his letter regarding their movements in Sicily, and where letters are to be sent.

States that she duly sent Mr Leevis' letter of introduction. Wishes that Henry would write to him, and tells him to let her know where he intends to go after he leaves Cambridge. Refers to Professor Maurice's death and asks him if it will make any difference in Henry's work. Claims that it is very pleasant being there [in Exeter], and that until that day they have been a large party. Reports that the bishop [Frederick Temple] is gone that day on Visitation journeys, and will be in London at the meeting of the Rugby Governing Body on the following Friday. Claims that they all miss him, and that he is 'quite the life and spirit of the whole party.' Refers also to their 'welcome for Miss Temple and the 2 girls'. States that the country is lovely and that they have daily drives 'through very pretty places or to see some beautiful spot miles off.' Thinks that she shall be there until the middle of the following week, and that after that she will 'be lingering about the neighbourhood - seeing 2 or 3 friends'.

Reports that Arthur says that he will be in the Lake Country until 17 [April], and then she thinks he goes to London, and maybe to Cambridge. Adds that Mr Robertson is '[positively] going to Harrow as a Master.' Claims that they are all anxious about the following Friday's meeting.

Notting Hill, London - WW 'must have felt some sympathy with us during the late distressing proceedings at King's College. Now in regard to what is personal in them, Maurice's [Frederick D. Maurice] friends may do what they like to show their affection for him; but it wd of course be unbecoming in me to take any part in such a demonstration: indeed I have felt convinced all along that to him this trial wd be only a purificatory process to fit him for the higher work appointed for him. But so far as the decision affects the church, I see no impropriety in my coming forward, along with others, to do what we can toward averting the evils which seem to me likely to ensue from it. For if the decision is acquiesced in without any protest or remonstrance, - if it is to be held that the belief in the everlasting duration of the torments of hell is an essential article of the faith of our Church, - I cannot but anticipate that the great mass of the thought and intellect of England, which of late years has been drawing nearer to the Church, and among divers classes, in no small measure, through the influences of M's [Maurice's] teaching, will be more and more alienated from her, and that many of the best men who were precarious to doubt themselves to her ministry, will seek refuge out of her pale, in Romanism or some form of pantheistic speculation. In the hope of doing something to counteract this, I have been taking counsel with Trench [Richard C. Trench] and some others; and have thought that a Protest, somewhat like the accompanying Draft, might be of great use, if, as we hope, it cd get a large body of signatures, weighty both from the character and from the number of signers'. What does WW think of such a measure and would he join it?

JCH returns to WW the proof sheets he sent him. He would be very happy to see WW if he came next week. Would WW send Frederick D. Maurice a testimonial in support of his attempt to become Professor of English at King's College. JCH hopes WW can persuade Connop Thirlwall to also come and visit him.

Remarks that it seems 'an immense time' since he left Rugby, even though it has only been a fortnight. Reports that he had to move into other rooms when he first came up to Cambridge, as the floors in his own rooms were rotten. Is back in his own rooms now, where he has installed a new stove. Is glad that she enjoyed her visit to London. Wishes that he could have spent more time in the [Great] Exhibition, and comments on some of the works, including the statue of the 'Reading Girl' [by Pietro Magni], and Story's Cleopatra. Has recovered his watch from Wellington College. Comments that Minnie appears to be very busy. Remarks that there has been some theological excitement in consequence of Bishop Colenso's publication in the Guardian. Reports that it was believed for some time that the Reverend F.D. Maurice was going to resign his preferment, and come to reside [in Cambridge] 'in order to write freely on theological topics - but he has decided not to do so.' Reports that Kingsley is lecturing [very well] on America, and is writing in Macmillan's Magazine 'a child's tale [The Water Babies] so absurd that [Henry] almost thought he was cracked'. Hopes that his mother's legal difficulties will be resolved satisfactorily.