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Observes that 'there does not appear to be any English book worth much as a systematic statement of any political theory.' In answer to a question asked by Sidgwick, he suggests the names and works of writers on politics, economy and philosophy, and comments on their writings. Refers to Locke's Treatises on Government; Liberty Lord Bolingbroke's Patriot King; Hume's political essays; any of Burke's works, including the speeches on American taxation and on economical reform, as well as 'the reflexions on [the] French Revolution', which 'preceded Godwin and are therefore not included [ ] by your limit of time...'; Tom Paine; Bentham's Fragment on Government, which, he believes is 'too much in the controversial way and dependent upon [a] Blackstone'; [Priestley]; [Tucker]. Admits that he has given too long a list, and states that his preference would be for Locke, Hume, Burke, Godwin and Bentham.

Thanks Welby for sending him her two pamphlets [Ambiguities and Apparent Paradox], which he discusses. Declares that it is a difficult matter 'to persuade a plain man to go through the process necessary to attain precision of thought: it requires great literary skill in presenting the process.' Claims that he tried to do something of this sort in his Principles of Political Economy, but fears that he bored the readers. States that he would like to see Herbert Spencer's answer to Apparent Paradox. States that if she wants to call Locke as a witness 'it would be easy to find suitable quotations in Chap. IX of Book III of the Essay on Human Understanding, and that with regard to Bacon, there is Aphorism XV in the Novum Organum. Believes that modern instances are more impressive however.

Presents two Isaac Newton books which Newton presented to John Locke: Isaac Newton's Philosophiæ naturalis principia mathematica (London, 1687), Trinity shelfmark Adv.b.1.6 and Opticks (London, 1704), Trinity shelfmark Adv.b.1.16.

Manuscript entitled 'A Common-Place Book, after the Plan recommended by Mr. Locke'. Written below this, 'The Collection was commenced at an early Age, and consequently in the first Pages many Things are inserted, which might as well, and without any Injury to the Book, have been omitted'.

Headings include 'Love', 'Mediocrity', 'Laugh', 'Deluge', 'Liberty', 'Sleep', 'Bees', 'East India Company' ('Surely, as Sovereigns, the company are monopolising against their own interest...', 'Gold',' Women', 'Wit and Humour', 'Impeachment' etc. Beneath these are passages from sources including Shakespeare, Addison, The Spectator and The Tatler, Burney, especially Camilla, Pope, Johnson (especially the Dictionary) and Rousseau.

Much of the material dates from Owen's time at Trinity College; several verses have a strong Cambridge connection, for example 'Song Imitated from Voltaire by Mr Rough, Trin. Coll. Cant.', presumably William Rough. Owen includes his own compositions; his verseas are frequently addressed to young women, eg. 'To Miss Susan Moore. Verses addressed to a beautiful young Lady, on her leaving the pleasant village of Aspley', 'Ode to a young Lady (the same as above) oppressed with the Head-ache', and 'On Miss Stephens, of the Theatre-Royal Covent Garden'. Catherine Philips and 'Miss Fanny Fripp' are each the subject of several poems.

Text is arranged in double columns until around the end of Owen's time at Cambridge; thenceforth, sentences are written across the whole page, but Locke's structure is retained.

Informs Sidgwick that he is sending him by the same post a copy of his edition of Locke's third book. Would be much obliged if he would read the introduction and let him know to what extent he agrees with his estimate of Locke.' Remarks that the task of putting together the 'Notes' was quite pleasant. Refers to the fact that he has not yet been able to find the origin of the definition of motion, which Locke attributes to the Cartesians, 'or to discover where and by whom the "West[ ] tongue" was spoken.

Thanks Sidgwick for the trouble he has taken, and expresses his gratitude to Mr Jackson also. Reports that since writing to Sidgwick he has come across the [animal rationale] in Porphyrii Isagoge, 'prefixed to Dural's Edition of Aristotle, 1629, vol 1, p.6', and observes that this would probably be 'the first formal statement of the "sacred definition", as Locke calls it.' Asks where he might be able to find the quotation 'Si non vis intelligi, debes negligi', which appears in the 'Essay, III, ix, 10'.

Writes in relation to Sidgwick's review of his last book in Mind that month. Clarifies the audience at whom it is aimed, and declares that he would have no hesitation in recommending the book to candidates reading for the two examinations with which he has 'most acquaintance', i.e., 'Lit. Hum. and Mod. Hist. at Oxford.' Laments the fact that the subject of Political Science is not recognised in Scotland. Explains that the book grew out of a popular lecture, but that it is based on many years' study of the American and French Declarations of Rights. Claims that '[i]n treating the idea of "natural rights" as "an element of current thought"' he believed that it was as important to deal with popular writers, such as Henry George, as with 'an exposition of Les Naturalis like Father Rickaby or of the doctrine of Naturrecht like Prof Lorimer [or] of his own special views like [W.] Spencer.' In relation to the latter refers to his criticism of his fundamental formula of justice in the book, and claims that he has written much about him in a book called Principles of State-Interferences. With reference to two examples of Ritchie's 'inaccuracy' in his historical statements given by Sidgwick, he does not acknowledge any error, but does concede that the statements 'might certainly be improved and made fuller and less ambiguous.' Refers to the passage 'from [Filmer]', and to the theory of natural rights, which he traces to the Protestant revolt against authority. Admits that it can be traced further back, to medieval writers 'on the ecclesiastical side' who asserted the sovereignty of the people and the right of resistance to tyrants 'when the Church (or the Pope) declared them such.' Claims that Protestantism is 'the logical parent of the French Revolution', but emphasises that he does not assert this claim because Hegel said so. Refers to Locke and Rousseau, and their theories on the sovereignty of the people. Claims not to have ignored the differences between the two, and that he referred to the matter more fully in 'Darwin and Hegel etc. [Essays on 'Social Contract' and 'Sovereignty']', in Principles of State-Interference, and in the translation of [Bluntschli's] Theory of the State. Assures Sidgwick that he does not ask for a reply to his letter, but asks that he or any of his pupils or his friends who have read his book could send him notes on passages that contain inaccuracies or are in need of revision.

21 Mostyn Road, Brixton, London, S.W. - Houghton undertook to check John Locke entries in his James Tyrell commonplace book; quotes description by Mr Kerslake of Bristol, who sold Houghton the book; would be glad to inspect it for a memoir and edition of Locke he is preparing.

WW sends HJR a document of some customary payments owed to him from Trinity College - 'its being the last of such literary essays which you will receive from me'. All WW's duties keeping accounts have been passed on to somebody else. WW is pleased 'to hear a good account of your university [HJR was Professor of Divinity at Durham University]... I wish most heartily among other novelties you would some of you discover or write a system of morals which might take the place of Paley & Locke. Sedgwick [Adam Sedgwick] tells me he has sent you his sermon; when you read it you will see that he has declared war against both Paley & Locke. This puts them in a different footing in Cambridge from that on which they have hitherto been; for though opinions to the same effect were in very general circulation in the place, they were never I think clothed with anything like an authoritative expression before. The task of writing a system of ethics is certainly not easy, for it must not only be erected on sound principles, but so framed as to bear an advantageous comparison in its logic and execution with the best of other systems, for instance, with Paley's book - which is no easy condition. I am afraid, from what your Brit. Mag. says of Wardlaw's Christian Ethics, he has not solved this problem'.

Copy of correspondence between Robert Spencer, 2nd Earl of Sunderland and Principal Secretary of State, and John Fell, Bishop of Oxford, dating between 6 Nov. 1684 and [Dec. 1684?]

Typewritten copy of letter dated 11 August 1891. Says that her two pamphlets she sent him have greatly interested him; believes that her Great Cloud of Witnesses will be most improving to the reader, 'if it does not reduce him to a too depressing state of scepticism.' Observes that it is difficult 'to persuade a plain man to go through the process necessary to attain precision of thought': attempted to do something similar in The Principles of Political Economy, but fears that he 'bored the readers horribly'. Would much like to see Herbert Spencer's answer to her Apparent Paradox; refers to the belief in ancestral ghosts. If she wants 'to call Locke as a "witness", it would be easy to find suitable quotations in Chap. ix of Book III of the Essays on the Human Understanding, which deals with the "Imperfection of Words".' Also refers to 'Aphorism xv in [Bacon's] Novum Organum'. However, he believes modern instances to be more impressive, 'as it might be supposed that the progress of science had removed the evils pointed out by Bacon and Locke.'

Three undated, unsigned essays, titled "Free Will. 'Equilibrium ad utrumque'", "Does V. Cousin's criticism of Locke's philosophy involve misconception and unfairness?", and "Is the French novel literature the 1st in Europe?" and a notebook of Greek exercises, all possibly in the hand of [Arthur Henry Hallam?].
Typescript and MS copies of 11 letters from Henry Fitzmaurice Hallam to his cousin Jane and her husband William Brookfield. The original letters are dated 1 Sept. 1846 to 7 Oct. 1850, and the copies, some of them incomplete, appear to be 20th century.

Thanks him for his letter. Mentions Sidgwick's article, which Appleton failed to send him. Regrets not having convinced him about Locke. With regard to 'the chair', claims that he believes that the majority of the electors had made up their minds against him 'before the book came out, and they are not likely to be changed by it, while [Thomas?] Fowler, [his] chief supporter, may be alienated by it.' Claims that he has not been sleeping well for some time.

Writes on philosophy in Cambridge. States that the correspondence of Hare and Whewell gives him the impression 'that there was very little mental philosophy read at Cambridge in their younger days'. Whewell's lectures were very well attended in the early years after he was appointed professor, but the numbers attending declined after he began to develop his new system. Refers to the paper set on philosophy for the Trinity Fellowships, and to Trinity lecturers Thompson and Cope. Refers to his own undergraduate days from 1844 to 1848, and mentions the works on philosophy which were influential at that time: an article of ancient philosophy by [Maurice], and Lewes' Biographical History of Philosophy. Believes that Lewes led him and many of his contemporaries to read J.S. Mill.

States that in St. John's College in his time 'a meagre abridgement of Locke used to be read in the first year, which 'finally disappeared under Roby's zealous efforts to reform [the students].' In relation to mental philosophy in those days, remarks that there 'must have been persons who were fond of [it]', and reports that he say a copy of the French translation of some of Sir W. Hamilton's essays in the private room of the mathematical tutor Mr Hopkins. Relates that Herschel's [Preliminary Discourse on [the Study of] Natural Philosophy 'was a book much read at Cambridge'. Mentions the absence of any account of the Greek Philosophy in Thirlwall's History [of Greece], and the political activity in England consequent on the Reform Bill and its results, as possible causes of the lack of interest in [mental philosophy].

Refers to a perceived 'taste for philosophy' arising in the previous thirty years at Cambridge, and cites theological influences as the possible cause, e.g., Butler's Analogy [of Religion], the sermons of Harvey Goodwin, and Dr Mill's contact with Hare and his Christian Advocate publications. Relates having, with others, admired the Sermons of Archer Butler, and having encouraged Macmillan to buy Butler's manuscripts, and publish the Lectures on Ancient Philosophy. Thinks that they appeared in 1856. Refers to Sir W. Hamilton, who 'became first known to most Cambridge men for his attacks on mathematics and on the Universities', and to W. Walton 'of Trinity Hall formerly of Trin. Coll.'. Adds that in 1834 'Sterling and J.C. Hare and others wanted to found a prize for Essays on the Philosophy of Christianity in honour of Coleridge', but the H[eads] would not allow it. Announces that he shall publish two letters from Whewell to Hare on the subject.

In relation to Locke's Essays, states that it is difficult to name a satisfactory edition. Suggests that the fourth edition - published in 1700 - might be taken as the standard. Mentions a four-volume edition of Locke's works, by Law, published in 1777. Sends his regards to Mrs Sidgwick.

London, Vere Street, 'near Oxford Chappel'. Sent to Sir Edward Littleton at Fedgeley [Teddesley?] Coppice, Staffordshire. - Apologises for not finishing any more busts. Has had to finish the statue of the Duke of Somerset and some other things to keep his men at work. Has finished four busts for Littleton: Milton; Sir Isaac Newton; Locke; and Bacon; now promises to begin that of Sir Walter Raleigh. Describes work and reason for delays.

Has called on Mr Wilson to see the portrait of Littleton's wife, as Littleton desired, and likes it very much. Ends with wishes for good health of both Littletons.