Haileybury - RJ is unable to lecture due to a 'visitation of the nerves of the face'. RJ thinks that the common character of Fourier, Comte and John S. Mill is St. Simonianism - they 'began with speculating on induction and well then they applied their instrument of discovery to history and politics. T hey found out that preceding states of mankind[,] religious and intellectual followed each other in a sort of necessary sequence in which [Jove?] and [J.C.?] found their proper places while the course of events urged on by a fluid and unreasoning necessity was even now producing new forms of religion and policy also in their proper place of which novelties they the great inductors were to be the prophets[,] expounders and administrators - and having the present and future thus in their hands they set no limits to the practical profligacy they meant to indulge in and having preached a community of women and goods they perished because it was quite clear they did not mean to share fairly'. RJ gives a synopsis of Fourier's book - 'published at the common expense of a society of Frenchmen associated for the purpose of disseminating his doctrines and if possible trying his plans. I see nothing of the inductive part but he takes up mathematically and astronomically the theory of successive cycles distinguished by different religious and political systems of these some are better some worse we are near the close of the very worst which is only to last 5000 years and near the opening of the very best which is to last 15000. He of course reveals its regime and becomes at once more disgustingly profligate than the St. Simonians because more elaborately and systematically'. Further, 'every woman is to be allowed 5 lovers - besides casual professors - by two of the lovers only is she to have children. and towns and buildings are to be constructed with a view to carry out all this in winter and summer by night and by day with the greatest possible comfort and convenience'. 'Very mad you say - good[,] in what sort of atmosphere moral[,] political and intellectual could all this be generated and wonderful to tell inculcated in an expensive form and with a confidence of finding readers and adherents?' RJ has nothing to say about the morals of Comte's books - 'Though there are significant indications of a new code of his own. But he too is an inductor (a very bad one) and is going to bring politics and religion to obedience to the laws of the positive sciences and whatever becomes of morals all that there is theological feudal or metaphysical in public institutions or ideas is to fall crushed beneath the power of the new positive philosophy and its revelations. With him too all the past has obeyed a set of laws acting quite independently of any will human or divine and so will the proximate future - the exact regime of that future he does not disclose - all existing institutions and opinions are to be chased away and as a practical preliminary step he proposes a committee of 30 sitting permanently at Paris consisting of 8 Frenchmen[,] 7 Englishmen and made up by the rest of the Continent who are to preach against all the past and proclaim the coming era till the nations of the earth are willing to receive new laws[,] manners[,] institutions and morals from the hand of a wise legislator Mr. Comte of course or his disciples - the change of institutions though compleat is to be less important than the equally compleat change in morals and manners from which again every thing theological[,] feudal or metaphysical is to be excluded and positive science is to preside and dictate'. Comte 'is a child of the St. Simonians without either their philosophical cleverness or their bold unblushing profligacy'. Just as Comte dedicates his book to Fourier, Mill dedicates his book to Comte: 'Whatever Mill may think of their morals his book we must admit steers clear of their profligacy but he of all men is unlucky in being linked with such a man at all. But as a philosopher Comte has done a great deal towards mystifying him'.
Sidgwick notes that the original letter was lent to him by Mrs Grote, 3 Sept 1877. Volume also encloses an extract from a news article about University Extension, in three clippings.
Marshall states in his notes [65/1-2] on the extracts that they are 'from a common place book begun in April 1866, and continued fitfully till the end of 1867'. Explains that all except the first relate to the Grote Club, and refers to its members, including those active in 1867: Professor Maurice, Henry Sidgwick, Venn, J.R. Mozley, and Pearson. States that the latter was a devoted pupil of J. B. Mayor. Refers also to the renewal of the club with the advent of W.K. Clifford and J.F. Moulton. Describes the impression that some of the conversations that took place during the meetings, especially those involving Henry and Professor Maurice, made on him.
First sheet of extracts [65/3] relates to Henry Sidgwick's descriptions of the reactions of Addison and Comte to their imminent deaths. The rest [65/4-16] relate to the Grote Club, and include dates of meetings, members present and matters discussed.
With envelope [65/17] addressed to Nora Sidgwick; annotated in her hand - 'Notes etc from Prof. Marshall. his account of the club is printed in the Memoir. To it are attached [ ] contemporary notes of meetings NB. He says J.B. Mayor will be the best person to ask about it. Early days of it. Tripos... J.B. Mayor and J.R. Mozley about early days of Grote Club.'
Sin título40 rue de Villejust, Paris. - Apologises for only now replying to Trevelyan's letter of last 14 June. Received the book by [Arthur] Waley with great pleasure, and has read part of it with interest; has been very tired and busy recently. As for 'pauvre [poor]' M. Teste [in Valéry's "La Soirée avec M. Teste"], he continues to bother Miss [Natalie Clifford] Barney. Knows the difficulties: when he wrote that 'fantaisie', he was 'half-living in the eighteenth century', loving the 'tone, the sharpness and the dryness' of the time of Louis XV, though the 'exaggeration' of his character belonged to the nineteenth century. He wrote it in Montpellier, in the fine old house his family then occupied; Auguste Comte had also lived there as a child, and his bedroom was the room in which Valéry wrote. Thanks Mrs Trevelyan for her offer of hospitality; has not been to England since 1896. Unfortunately he has little hope of seeing his English friends out of Paris as he is so busy.
Reports that he only heard a week ago that Young 'had found it advisable (and also feasible) to degrade.' Claims that he was very glad to hear the news, since even if he had been able 'to go in by "making an effort" ', it would have been a very unsatisfactory [culmination] to three years work. Sympathises with him that he will have to work a year more at the old curriculum. Hopes that he is progressing. Reports that he met Cowell in London on Saturday, and he was wondering whether Young would go abroad with him.
Recounts that he found Arthur [Sidgwick] 'only just able to work' when he arrived in Cambridge on Saturday, as he had played fives, which brought on his irregular circulation. Believes that 'it is just about an even chance whether he gets the Craven or not'. Reports that they were quite surprised at having the senior after all in Trinity. Hopes that Barker will conform, and states that Jebb was in good spirits and reading hard. Recounts that [Richard Shilleto?] 'reports favourably of his freshness', but is not very strong in health.
Refers to the fact that Young was at Eton with [Smijth?] Windham, and asks if he thinks he is 'MAD, or only mad.' Declares that 'Wilson is convinced he was a lunatic', but every other Eton man Sidgwick has seen states the idea to be ludicrous.
Relates a conversation he had while dining at Merton College, Oxford. States that he thinks the speeches, especially Coleridge's 'disgraceful'. Wishes that he were at Oxford, because 'they are always having exciting controversies which keep them alive.' Relates that Jowett and his foes divide the [attention] of the common rooms with Mansel and Goldwin Smith. Reports that he has just read 'G. S.' "Rational Religion" ', which, he claims, 'seems smashing', but over-controversial. States that '[p]eople consider Mansel's chance of a bishopric as lessened.' Remarks that in his view the tutors at Oxford work harder and the men less than those at Cambridge. Asks Young whether he read W.S. Clarke's Latin Oration.
Reports that he went up to Cambridge 'to have a quiet study of Auguste Comte', with whose he has rather less sympathy than before. States that he 'tried to fancy being a Positivist and adoring Guttemberg [sic], the inventor of printing, but...found the conception impossible.' Intends to go up [to Cambridge] on Saturday. States that he thinks better of Horace than most men; discerns in his works 'a good deal of a peculiar fresh humour that [ ]', but sees that it is calculated to disgust many men, and wishes Trevelyan could know it.
Knightsbridge - Thanks WW for his work on induction, in reference to John Mill's Logic. GCL has read Comte's work and agrees more closely with WW's view of it than Mill's. Comte's 'opinions with respect to scientific methods, advanced in his early volumes...appear to me generally sound'. However, his method in what he calls sociology 'is fundamentally erroneous, and that it can never lead, except by accident, to just conclusions'.
Announces his intended movements over the following days, which include remaining in Margate until the following Tuesday, lunching in London, travelling to Harrow, staying with [Auberon?] Herbert in London, travelling to Wellington College [to see the Bensons], staying with Trevelyan at Weybridge, and travelling to Roden Noel. States that after 24 [June] he heads for Cambridge. Asks Myers if he intends to go to Miss Bonham Carter, and hopes that they [Sidgwick and Myers] shall meet.
Hopes that his ['____'] was effective, and states that he 'found it a pleasant Summer Beverage.' [Note in Myers' hand states that he cannot remember to whom Sidgwick refers]. Claims that Myers' 'emotional dissipation' fills him with 'entertainment, envy, amazement and certain sympathetic gloomy forebodings...' In relation to his work on philosophy, states that he thinks he has 'made a point or two about Justice', but that the relation of the s[exes] still puzzles him. Asks if the permanent movement of civilised man is 'towards the Socialism of force, or the Socialism of persuasion (Comte), or individualism (H. Spencer)?'. Quotes in Greek from Euripides' Bacchae 333-336: 'εἰ μὴ γὰρ ἔστιν ὁ θεὸς οὗτος, ὡς σὺ φῄς/παρὰ σοὶ λεγέσθω...' [Even if he is not a god, as you say, call him one...], adding 'This is not what the Devil says now, but something much subtler in the same style'.
Declares that she has read the paper on the Sophists. Relates that she discussed the matter with Mr Jowett when he came to visit the previous Monday. Jowett admitted 'that G.G[rote] was right but will have it that "Sophist" carried, at that period, no dyslogistic meaning'. Reports that, since Sidgwick and Mrs Sidgwick's visit to her at Ridgeway, she has found another letter of M. Comte's from 1845, and offers to give him a copy of it. Mentions that she also neglected to show him 'a fine Autogr[aph] of A[ugustus] C[omte] - large hand - in flyleaf of L'ensemble du Positivisme 1848.' The last two pages of the latter work 'contain an urgent appeal to his followers to "keep him going", as the chief teacher of the Religion of Humanity.' Expresses her hope of seeing Sidgwick and Mrs Sidgwick again before she dies. Sends her thanks to Mrs Sidgwick 'for her little note'. Reports that she had a visit from George Darwin on the previous Sunday, who gave her Sidgwick's present address. Darwin informed her that he had been on a visit [with [F] Leveson Gower] to A[rthur] Balfour 'in the far north', in August. She expects Professor Alexander Bain and Benjamin Jowett to visit for a few days early in October.
Sin títuloTrinity Lodge - WW would like to know what RJ has to say about John Mill's book ['A System of Logic Ratiocinative and Inductive: Being a Connected View of the Principles of Evidence and the Methods of Scientific Investigation', 1843]: 'he appears to me to write like a man whose knowledge is new (indeed he confesses that he had much of it from Herschel [John Herschel, 'A Preliminary Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy', 1830] and me ['The History of the Inductive Sciences, from the Earliest to the Present Time', 3 vols., 1837]) - and not very well appreciated'. He relies far too much on the new work of Liebig [Justus von Liebig] and Herschel's version of Wells's book on Dew: 'Tell Herschel he has something to answer for in persuading people that they could so completely understand the process of discovery from a single example'. With regard to 'the part of Mill's book of which you speak I agree with you that the logic is fairly logical; - also, that it is already dull. The Whateleian logicians are to me far more offensive than the Aristotelians'. Mill's conceit is offensive and he is 'quite subjugated by one whom I think a very bad philosopher, Comte [Auguste Comte], of whom he constantly talks with a veneration which I could easily show you is a most gross idolatry. I had written an article for my philosophy about Comte, but suppressed it wishing to avoid unnecessary controversy' ['The Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences, Founded upon their History', 2 vols., 1840].
States that he has read Sidgwick's criticism of his book [The Science of Ethics], and expresses his satisfaction in having 'a candid and generous critic'. Observes that most of the points at issue between the two would require a treatise instead of a letter. Refers to pain and pleasure, and to how conduct is determined by one or the other. Admits that he 'could have obviated the criticism by a more careful articulation of the logical framework.' Refers to Sidgwick's contention that he exaggerates the novelty of the evolutionist theory 'and especially by overlooking Comte.' Clarifies that if he has done so, it was 'through carelessness of expression', and claims that he has learnt much from Comte, of whom he has a higher estimate than most people, especially scientific people, who object to his religion. States that he believes that [ ] happiness consists 'in the dramatic and friendly affections'. Hopes that they shall always remain friends.
Sin título