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Working hard at college, invited to dinner by the governor on account of his intelligence

Brigadier-General Dyer has an excellent military record, and though he has committed an error of judgement [i.e. the 'crawling order'] the writer does not think he can be charged with a military crime. The order he issued, though doubtless unwise, unjust, and harmful to the izzat of those to whom it was given, did not involve material or physical damage. Dyer should be deprived of his command and sent home, but no more drastic action should be taken. If Dyer is tried by court martial there will be a great scandal, which will be magnified by the 'yellow press' in India and England, and an event which now has some chance of not being remembered for very long will achieve a notoriety which will last many years.

(Typed on a printed form headed 'Minute'.)

(i) Nehru has advised that Buggu and Ratachand of Amritsar have been arrested and sentenced to death by court martial; that both trial and sentence were illegal under Regulation X; that Nehru has been instructed to appeal to the Privy Council; and that Chelmsford has refused to stay execution pending appeal. Asks Chelmsford to advise him of the facts.

(ii) The execution of Ratachand, Buggu, and the other three convicts has been postponed, pending further communication from Montagu.

(Two cuttings from larger documents, pinned to a blank sheet.)

Refers to Montagu’s private telegram of 31 July [wanting] regarding the debate in the Lords on martial law in the Punjab, and responds to the questions in his ‘first’ telegram as follows: (1) ‘Persons tried by commissions 852, convicted 582, acquitted 270.’ The number tried by summary courts will be sent when it is available. (2) The few absconders remaining to be dealt with will be tried by ordinary courts, as all martial law tribunals have been dissolved. One tribunal under the Defence of India Act still has one or two cases to try. (3) Figures for the reduction of death sentences were sent in his telegram of 23 July. Local Government has reviewed 564 convictions, and in nearly 500 cases a large number of reduction have been granted. All sentences of forfeiture are being remitted. (4) The only sentences suspended are those of the five persons sentenced to death in Amritsar and the National Bank case, whose appeals have been admitted by the Privy Council. (5) For the intentions of Local Government or Government of India he refers to his private telegram of 2 August on the proposed inquiry [wanting].

Refers to the questions in Montagu’s ‘later’ telegram. Discusses the reduction by Local Government of the sentences of Har Kishen Lal, Ram Bhuj Datt, Duni Chand, Allah Din, and Mota Singh, convicted by commission of organising protests in Lahore against the Rowlatt Act. Responds to four specific points as follows: (1) Local Government has reduced the sentences of Kichlu and Satyapal and other Amritsar conspirators, and commuted the death sentence of Doctor Bashir. (2) Eleven persons were executed for murders at Kasur and Amritsar. In commuting sentences his principle has been that the death sentence should be reserved for cases of murder. (3) Details of remissions and commutations granted by Local Government and the Governor General have already been reported. Few petitions for clemency have come before them, except regarding death sentences. Confirms that the Lieutenant General refused to reduce the sentence of imprisonment on Kali Nath Roy. (4) Besides special commissions, summary courts were created by order of the General Officer Commanding with certain limited powers. Numerous reductions of their convictions will probably be granted on review.

They desire to emphasise the following general considerations: (1) The Punjab disturbances were not sporadic riots but organised risings, with definite anti-Government and anti-British bias. (2) The simultaneous cutting of railway and telegraph lines in different places points to a common purpose. (3) The danger to the lives of Europeans in isolated stations justified prompt and stern measures, which he believes prevented the spread of disorder. (4) Unprovoked attacks by the mob at Amritsar on Europeans unconnected with Government show how the ‘latent savagery of [the] lower classes’ may be excited, and emphasise the moral responsibility of the educated leaders who incited them. Finally, when the Punjab Government requested the application of Regulation X the procedure was altered in order that it might be enforced by experienced men on specified tribunals rather than courts martial.

(Carbon copy.)

Refers to Chelmsford’s private telegram of the 2nd [wanting]. Has considered the subject fully in Council, but is not convinced by Chelmsford’s arguments, as he believes that Basu’s scheme must be accompanied by a general amnesty, excluding heinous offenders, if the Indemnity Bill is to be carried without turmoil. Does not think that an investigation of causes should be wholly excluded, but agrees in dismissing [Sir Harcourt] Butler’s suggestion of bringing in the King’s name. Will advise later the results of his inquiries into a chairman.

(Carbon copy, with handwritten alterations.)

Concurs with Chelmsford’s desire for a full inquiry into events in the Punjab: the incorporation of a racial element into orders, as in the case of the order issued by Colonel Hodgson [see A2/18/4b], is particularly objectionable. He plans to propose to his Council that they should instruct the Government of India that, as a cardinal principle, no authority should issue regulations applicable to Indians as such or to Indians only.

(Cuttings from a larger document.)

(Carbon copy, with handwritten additions.)

Is concerned by Reading’s reports of a revolutionary party in Bengal and talk of the proclamation of a republic in December.

(Typed. Used for transmission.)

Refers to Gandhi’s speech at Trichinopoly and his article in Young India, in which he stated that, as non-co-operation is legally sedition under the Penal Code, he objected to the suggestion in Sir George Lloyd’s communiqué that tampering with the loyalty of the sepoy and sedition were fresh crimes committed by the Ali brothers, and went on to encourage Congress and Khilafat workers to reiterate the Ali brothers’ formula and to spread disaffection openly till arrested. They [the Government of India] cannot arrest ‘small fry’ and leave Gandhi free; therefore the speech and article are being examined by lawyers, and Reading has canvassed Local Governments for their opinions as to the effect of prosecuting him. His own impression is that, though Gandhi has recently lost some ground, he remains popular with the masses, and that his arrest would lead to violence. Points out that Gandhi’s article is intended to bridge the gap between Hindu and Moslem.

(Typed.)

[Part 1.] The Prince of Wales will arrive on the 24th. Any arrangements must be made before his own departure on the 22nd. The immediate objective is to prevent trouble or demonstrations during the Prince’s arrival. The Calcutta visit is of special because an unpleasant reception there would have a particularly strong effect on public opinion in England and even in India, and would provoke racial bitterness. The proclamation of volunteers in this province and others, and the subsequent demonstrations and arrests, have led to tension, which though presently non-violent, is bent on getting respectable Indians to protest against the Government and to associate prosecution with non-co-operation. The imprisonment of respectable men and reports of high-handed action have caused emotion even among moderates in Ben-gal, though Ronaldshay is trying to prevent excesses and correct abuses. The immediate objective can only be achieved by Reading’s immediate promise to invite members of the various political sections to attend a conference at Delhi, probably in January. He has desired all along to understand the agitators’ practical propositions; the meaning of swaraj, in particular, has never yet been defined. There appears, however, to be a general desire for responsible government. Nothing can be done, of course, without the assent of Cabinet and the approval of Parliament.

(Carbon copy.)

(Draft of A3/21/2. Cf. A3/22/3.)

Includes Halstead meeting when RAB prospective parliamentary candidate, maiden speech, agricultural matters and Essex meetings, Geoffrey Lloyd as prospective parliamentary candidate

§ 73. Fermi-Dirac particles.
§ 74. Multiple occupation symbols.
§ 75. Wave functions.
§ 76. The wave representation of phase.
§ 77. The cosmical number.
§ 78. Epistemological foundations.
§ 79. The primitive measurement.

(Carbon copy of A2/4/2.)