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On 8 April Horniman published a passive resistance manifesto in the [Bombay] Chronicle. Gandhi was arrested in the Punjab, taken to Bombay, and ordered to remain in that Presidency. A serious riot at Ahmedabad resulted on the same day. On the 11th a large mob attacked and burnt the telegraph office and several other Government buildings, and injured the power house. On the 12th the Inspector General of Police and the Commissioner arrived with a military force, order was restored, and the city remains strongly picketed. Telegraphic communication has been restored. The casualties so far reported at Ahmedabad are one European sergeant and an Indian constable killed, and about 250 rioters killed or wounded. On the 12th a mob at Virangam attacked and burnt the railway station, and are reported also to have burnt Government buildings and stocks of famine grass. An Indian revenue official was murdered and telegraph communication was severed. On the same day two British officers and 200 Indian troops were dispatched from Ahmedabad to restore order. A telegraph and railway party also left to reopen communications. Order has now been restored at Virangam. On the 11th there was rioting at Bombay, but no casualties occurred. The city is now quiet. Gandhi arrived on the 11th and addressed a meeting, making an appeal against violence. He was allowed to go to Ahmedabad the next day. Military forces have been sent to various places in Gujarat where disturbances may be expected. Anticipating that Gandhi’s arrest would lead to disturbance, Lloyd decided to make no prominent arrests till military precautions had been taken in areas where disorder might arise. But immediately he heard of Gandhi’s arrest he made dispositions for maintaining order in Bombay and arranged a meeting with the Viceroy. On his way up, news of Ahmedabad came, and he and the Viceroy decided to leave Gandhi at liberty for the present but to deport Horniman and certain other leaders. Arrangements are being made to do so, but he is having trouble with Sir Ibrahim on this point, and may have to defer action for two or three days, as he does not want to risk the resignation of a Moslem member of the Council. Though he has been very patient, he cannot allow the open advocacy of law-breaking to continue. Opposition to the Rowlatt Bills is a pretext for a carefully planned revolution, of which Gandhi is a tool, not a principal. Mob violence has so far been directed against telegraphs and railways, and the attacks on Virangam show design, in as much as the seizure of that place cuts off all communications with Kathiawar.

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Accepts his assurance that the Government of India has not attempted to conceal facts, but in the light of Dyer’s evidence it is difficult to convince the public of this. The real difficulty lies in the fact that Chelmsford’s April telegrams, which suggested that the force used was not excessive, were not followed by further information qualifying that impression. Even the district report of 13 September failed to suggest that Dyer gave the crowd no warning; that it might have dispersed without firing; that he fired on it for general moral effect; that it was unarmed, unresisting, and caught in a trap; that he continued firing after the crowd had been broken up; and that he paid no attention to the many wounded. Montagu will try to urge that judgement should not be passed before the Hunter Committee reports, but Chelmsford has put him in a difficult position by not keeping him fully informed. ‘I sometimes think that you refrain from sending me information in your extreme and admirable desire to protect any officer in India from criticism.’ Points out that Chelmsford can ask him not to publish what he does not wish published.

The opinion of O. M., in his report on the Congress, does not seem to tally with that of his subordinates, on which it is apparently based. Asks for Chelmsford’s own views on the effects of the Congress and the amnesty. Is not disappointed that extreme Mohammedans like Mohamed and Shaukat Ali are not grateful for clemency, as he believes they are ‘genuinely in agony’ over the Turkish Peace.

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Refers to Ronaldshay’s letter of 5 February. There has been a misunderstanding: the terms of the amnesty were designed to give the Viceroy the widest discretion, but the result of the Council meeting attended by Ronaldshay has been to throw the responsibility back on Mon-tagu, citing doubts of Montagu’s support. Assures him that he has always approved of his conduct of Bengal, particularly of the detenues, and believes he has never said anything to cause him to express a lack of confidence. Congratulates him on his conferences.

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Has read a telegraphic summary of the Hunter Committee reports, but will not comment on it, as it does not present a complete picture. Asks for Chelmsford’s own opinion.

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Refers to Montagu's telegram of 6 June regarding the Prince of Wales's visit. The non-co-operation agitation is now less active. The recantation of the Ali brothers has, he thinks, had a damping effect on the Khilafat supporters and the Gandhi movement, notwithstanding Mohammed Ali's explanation of his apology. Sapru, Shafi, and Malaviya also think the situation improved. Gandhi is not succeeding in obtaining support and money. Butler is dissatisfied with the position in the United Provinces, and wishes to proceed with prosecutions against the Independent and others; the Government of India will decide on their policy on Friday. Is concerned at the number of youths in gaol for lesser offences, and favours releasing them upon expressions of regret and promises of future good behaviour. So long as Gandhi pursues his present policy of less virulence and refrains from preaching active hatred of the Government, no action should be taken by the Government; but prosecutions should be instituted wherever speeches are made inciting to violence, or whenever the agents of the non-co-operationist movement lie about Government action or preach hatred of it. It is not always easy to distinguish between speeches denouncing Government policy and thus exciting disaffection against it, and speeches containing serious mis-statements, accompanied by incitement to hatred, but he recommends prosecution only in the latter case at present.

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Simla.—Section 1. The weekly telegram is as follows. (Madras.) The movement in Trichinopoly to up-lift Paranyas is becoming more dangerous; the boycott of cases of Paranyas by caste people continues.

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He thinks Reading should know the attitude at home towards affairs in India. The general opinion of the press is that action should be taken against ringleaders. There is perplexity at the fact that action is only taken against those actually dealt with in riots, and great uneasiness at reports of drilling. Recent speeches of Lord Willingdon and Sir George Lloyd suggest a difference of opinion between the former and the Government of India as to Gandhi’s connection with the spreading unrest, for the public believes that if the Government shared Willingdon’s views some action would have been taken.

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India Office, Whitehall, S.W.1.—Desires the Prime Minister’s approval before sending the enclosed telegram [A3/10/2].

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Expresses concern at the international publicity given to speeches made from the dock in the Ali brothers’ trial, and wonders, in the light of a possible prosecution of Gandhi, whether anything could be done to prevent such trials becoming centres of propaganda.

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(Printed copy of A3/21/2.)

(Mechanical copy of a typed original. Text as A3/8/1. A duplicate of A3/9/1.)

(Official.) The Commissioner of the Northern Division, Bombay, takes a serious view of the situation with regard to civil disobedience, particularly in the Surat District. The Bombay Government have instructed the Commissioner to advise them of any announcement of civil disobedience immediately, to take certain police and military precautions, and to take measures to obtain and record evidence. Council will consider the question on Monday.

(Cutting from a larger document.)

(Carbon copy of A3/31/1.)

(Carbon copy of A3/31/1.)

(Official.) A3/34/3 has caused his Government surprise and concern. Asks if the telegram was issued by order of the Cabinet, and protests against the implication that they have not realised the gravity of the situation. They had presumed that their policy had the full con-currence of Cabinet, particularly the letter of 24 November, and object to the implication that their determination to join issue vigorously with the non-co-operation movement dates only from the communiqué of the 6th. Remarks further in justification of their actions.

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Expresses disapproval of the Viceroy’s decision to postpone Gandhi’s arrest.

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Treasury Chambers, Whitehall, S.W.1.—Asks Montagu to become his Assistant Private Secretary in the House of Commons.

State Government House, Melbourne.—Congratulates him on his appointment to the Treasury, and suggests he may be able to restrain the Chancellor [Lloyd George’s] rhetoric. The news from England is unreliable. He has not yet faced any difficult problems, having been mainly engaged in releasing husbands who have been jailed for failing to maintain their wives, and deciding whether to return a visit by the Admiral in person. He likes the country and its inhabitants, and is shortly to make a tour of the country districts. The party that disapproves of imported governors is less strong in his state than others, and its leaders have not been offensive to him. Asks Montagu to write, if possible.

18 Mansfield Street, Portland Place, W.—Thanks him for his congratulations [on her engagement]. Hopes he will dine with them again soon, to meet Eric.

59 Bridge Street, Cambridge.—Reflects on Archie Gordon’s funeral, and asks after Violet.

17 cuttings and complete issues of periodicals, 12 of them from French newspapers or magazines. Tucked in amongst these items are two sheets of paper with rubbings of writing an unidentified alphabet (FRAZ/7/1/5).

Proof starting with part of note 347 and continuing to the end. Stamped 'First Proof' and carrying R. & R. Clark Ltd. date stamps from 16 May to 12 Sept., 1927, with corrections in Frazer's hand.