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Copy of letter in Nora Sidgwick's hand. Did not wish to write to her at once [after the death of Henry Sidgwick], but now as she has returned to England, writes to tell her how deeply he feels his loss. Since Henry first taught him thirty years previously he was a great influence to him both in intellectual matters and 'practical matters of conduct and wisdom, considerateness, unselfishness, and resolute impartiality....' Expresses his gratitude for having had so many opportunities of conversation 'with so noble a character.' Adds how entirely [his wife] Kathleen feels with him, and how deeply she has been sympathising with Nora throughout the period since Henry's death.

Admits to being a very bad correspondent; asks whether Henry has written to Mary. Reports that he is very busy with lectures and with organising the women's lectures 'and seeing that everybody gets taught what they want to learn'; he is also writing an essay for Mind. She is working at mathematics again with Mr Ferrers, and enjoying it very much; she is to have one or two pupils from Newnham Hall for Algebra. Reports that Miss Clough and several students at Newnham and their servants have become ill, probably from eating some unwholesome fish, but the doctor says that they will recover. Ellen Crofts has come back to the college, and Charlotte's sister Edith is also there. Edward Benson is coming to Cambridge on the following Friday, as he has to preach the commemoration sermon on the Sunday. Discusses Dr Slade and his seances, and the suspicions surrounding him, and refers to Professor Lankaster's evidence, which 'remains very strong in support of the trickery thing.'

Note from Henry Sidgwick to his mother, saying that both he and Nora 'have both been a good deal fussed about different matters', but that everything is sorted out now. Could almost believe that he had lived years in his house, which is exactly the sort of home they wanted. It is unlike what he thought of whenever he thought of living domestically in Cambridge; that he had always imagined himself 'in a semi-detached villa on the road to the railway station, exactly like twelve other semi-detached villas', but that the great feature of his present home is 'its Individuality.' Undertakes to send his own letter the following day.

Asks for information on the Grote Society. States that she has an interesting account of it written by Dr Venn for Sir Leslie Stephen, and an account by Professor Marshall of the later period of the society after Grote's death. Understands from Venn's account that it was not a formal society in the earlier period, but meetings of a small group, interested in philosophic discussion, at Grote's house, and that those attending dined with him once or twice a term and discussed afterwards. Asks when the society began 'and when Henry got to know Professor Grote and when he first joined these meetings.' Explains that she is doing research in view of the memoir of Henry that she and Arthur Sidgwick are attempting to put together. Refers to a dialogue by Professor Grote that Mayor published in the [Chemical] Review of March 1889, which had 'a little bit in the middle by Henry', and asks Mayor if he can tell her the history of this piece. Asks if it was a paper discussed at Trumpington, and how the co-operation came about.

With explanatory MS note [in Nora Sidgwick's hand]: 'Papers and Certificate concerning membership of academies - Hon. degrees etc'.

Incomplete. They have got summer at last 'and are even inclined to think it too hot' that day; hopes that Mary has nice weather also. Is particularly glad they have got a fine day since 'the Lewes'' [George Eliot and G. H. Lewes] have been with them since Thursday, as the guests of both Gurney and the Sidgwicks. Remarks on the difference the sun makes to Cambridge, and describes the effect of a summer sunset.

Was rather alarmed at the prospect of having Eliot there: '[o]ne feels beforehand as if she had such a terrible power of analysing ones character - that all ones defects would be more obvious to her than to oneself or anyone else'. However, she is not in reality at all alarming, and 'has an almost exaggerated gentleness of voice and considerateness of manner, and succeeds very quickly in putting one at ones ease'. She talks well, but not so brilliantly as one would expect, 'though she occasionally says good things'. Mr Lewes is an extremely good talker and 'can keep up a conversation for any length of time, and he tells stories well and has a great many of them, and mimics well, but he is not always quite in good taste.' It has been very pleasant having them there, and hopes that they will come again some day.

Admits that she and Henry feel a certain relief to have the house to themselves again after so many visitors. They intend going up to London on the following Thursday, and to stay there for three nights, as Henry's engagements make that necessary, though they may stay at home if he does not finish his book. From London they propose to go to Broadstairs if Isabel is still there. After this their plans become vague.

Reference to: 'Dr Jackson's Notes and Dr Peiles etc', 'Notes on C[harity] O[rganisation] S[ociety]' and A.J. B[alfour]'s Note for Memoir [Henry Sidgwick, a Memoir]'.

Front sheet with MS note: 'Obituary notices and letters of sympathy/ Remarks about H. S. as a man and his conversation'.

Notes perhaps made by Nora Sidgwick [?]. Includes 'Sir Frederick Pollock in the Pilot of September 15, 1900'; Mr W. Everett in American paper, [August] 29 1900'; Mr C.F.G. Masterman in the Commonwealth of October 1900'; 'Miss E.E.C. Jones in the Journal of Education for October 1900'; 'Dr Keynes in the Economic Journal for December 1900'; 'The Cambridge Letter of the Newnham College Club for 1900'; 'Sir Leslie Stephen in Mind'; 'Dr Peile in the Cambridge Review of October 25. 1900'; 'Mr Bryce in "Biographical Studies".'; 'Lord Acton in a letter of Sept. 2.1900'; 'Professor Clifford Allbutt in a letter of September 1900'; Mr W.G. Bell in a letter of Aug.30.1900'; 'Mr E.E. Bowen in a letter of Aug 31, 1900'; 'Professor E.G. Brown in a letter of Aug.31. 1900'; 'Mr H.F. Brown in a letter of Oct.3.1900'; 'Mr Basil Champneys in a letter of Sept.1. 1900'; 'Mrs J.W. Clark in a letter of Oct.12.1900'; 'Mr F.W. Cornish in a letter of June 11. 1900'; 'Mrs Cornish in a letter of Sept.15. 1900'; 'Mrs Courtauld in a letter of April 14. 1902'; 'Mrs Creighton in a letter of Aug.21.1900'; 'Mr J.D. Duff in a letter of Sept.30.1900'; 'Professor A.V. Dicey in a letter of Sept.4. 1900'; 'Mrs T.H. Green in a letter of Sept.14. 1900'; 'Sir William Harcourt in a letter of April 30. 1900'; T. Fowler in a letter of Sept.9. 1900'; 'Miss B. Foxley in a letter of Oct.6. 1900'; 'Baron Fr. von Hügel in a letter of Sept.1. 1900'; 'Professor Williams [sic] James in a letter of Sept. 1. 1900'; 'Mrs F.A.Kitchener in a letter of Sept.7. 1900'; 'Mr Walter Leaf in a letter of Sept.1. 1900'; 'Miss G. Liddell in a letter of Sept.23. 1900'; 'Mr E. Lyttelton in a letter of Sept.13. 1900'; 'Lord Lytton in a letter of Sept. 5. 1900'; 'Miss M.H. Mason in a letter of Oct.11. 1900'; 'Professor J.B. Mayor in a letter of Sept.11.1900'; 'Miss Emma Miller in a letter of Sept.1. 1900'; 'Dr Peile in a letter of Aug.29. 1900'; 'R.H. Inglis Palgrave in a letter of Sept.2. 1900'; 'F. Podmore in a letter of Aug.31. 1900'; 'Dr Robertson [Minister of the parish church of Whitting{ }] in a letter of Sept. 1. 1900'; 'Miss E.E. Thomas [a student] in a letter of July 30. 1901, to Miss Stephen'; 'Professor J.J. Thomson in a letter of Aug. 30.1900'; 'Bishop Westcott in a letter of Sept.1. 1900'; 'Mr William Everett in a letter of Aug.31, 1900'; 'Sir George Trevelyan in a letter of Aug.30.1900'; 'Sir R.K. Wilson in a letter of Aug. 30. 1900'; small quotes by Lady Victoria Buxton, Baronness von Hügel, Lady Jebb, Sir Oliver Lodge, B. Mallett, Mrs Mozley, Mrs Peile, Mrs J.C. Symonds, Professor Westlake, Mrs Westlake. Some MS explanatory notes, amendments and emendations.

Includes references to Henry Sidgwick's notes, essays, and a novel, and to Dr Jackson, Professor Cairns and [Lowell]. Relevant dates in relation to some of the works are given, as well as, in some cases their context, i.e., 'Apostolic Essays', 'notes for historical lectures', etc.

Letters relating to Henry Sidgwick's rôle in the Cambridge Mendicity Society and Charity Organisation Society, with notes made by Nora Sidgwick from minutes of these societies lent her by Florence Keynes.

Announces that she is collecting the facts for a memoir of Henry Sidgwick, which she and his brother [Arthur Sidgwick] and hope to publish. Is anxious to know to what extent Henry wrote for the Athenaeum when he was young. Explains that she learnt some time ago through Sir Leslie Stephen that MacColl had spoken of Henry's contributions to the Athenaeum under his editorship, and wonders if he would mind telling her about these which she presumes were mostly anonymous reviews. The proposed memoir will probably consist mainly of Henry's own letters, and will be 'to that extent autobiographical', but the letters will need supplementing. With emendations.

Letter from John Peile to Nora Sidgwick, 31 Jan 1905, enclosing notes by Peile on Henry Sidgwick's rôle in the attempts to reorganise academic teaching in Cambridge and notes by Nora Sidgwick referring to these.

Miscellaneous queries regarding the contents of Henry Sidgwick: A Memoir, in relation to dates, for example, that of Minnie Sidgwick's marriage, letters, and events.

In Nora Sidgwick's hand. Myers declares that he has been reading Henry's review of [J. R. Seeley's] Ecce Homo 'with very great interest'; believes that it is one of the most brilliant things Henry has done. It makes him wish that Henry would write some other similar essays. Adds that his mother also greatly admires it.

Includes the words that Henry would like to have said over his grave 'if it is decided not to have the Church of England service': 'Let us commend to the love of God with silent prayer the soul of a sinful man who partly tried to do his duty. It is by his wish that I say over his grave these words and no more'. Note that this was 'written down May 17 1900'.

Verses 'adopted by Henry Sidgwick. from Tennyson's Palace of Art when he left the Church of England in 1869', beginning with the lines: 'Yet pull not down my minster towers that were/So gravely gloriously wrought'. Page headed 'Henry's Texts', including [biblical] quotations.

Page headed 'Re new edition of Ethics'. Henry's desire is that, if he is not able to finish the revision, The Methods of Ethics 'be put through the press by Miss [E..E. C.] Jones without excerpts [he has] clearly indicated in the book itself or [his] MS notes of lectures that an alteration is required'. Suggests also the addition of a brief explanatory preface.

Additional notes relate to his works and the possibility of their publication. Believes that some of his philosophical works in which he attempts to define the scope of philosophy and its relation to, for example, psychology, logic, history and sociology, are most suitable for publication and study. Refers to a course of lectures on Kant, Green and Spencer 'which will be [more] easily brought out'. Refers also to a course of lectures on epistemology, which was delivered with Sigwart's Logic as a text book, and believes that part of it might be worth publishing. Suggests that [James] Ward might recommend someone who would read these works in order to select the portions he thought worth publishing. Insists, however, that Ward should not spend time on the matter that could be more profitably devoted to his own work. Discusses the difficulties that might be encountered in the publishing of his philosophical lectures, and refers to the part concerned with the relation of metaphysics and epistemology. Refers also to 'a discussion of Külpe's use of the terms and another discussion on idealism and realism, 'which will be found in the bundle relating to Külpe. List of some of Henry's works.

MS sheet in Nora Sidgwick's hand.

In Nora Sidgwick's hand. Declares his aim: to give an account of his life - mainly his inner intellectual life - 'as shall render the central and fundamental aims that partially at least determined its course when apparently most fitful and erratic, as clear and intelligible as [he] can.' Refers to biographical information in 'the Life of Edward Benson' [by A. C. Benson], in which he noted 'the great change that took place about the middle of [his] undergraduate time', which was triggered by his becoming a member of the discussion society known as the Apostles. Refers to a description of the latter in the late Dean Merivale's autobiography. Describes the spirit of the society as that of 'the pursuit of truth with absolute devotion and unreserved by a group of intimate friends, who were perfectly frank with each other and indulgent in any amount of humourous [sic] sarcasm and playful banter....' Emphasises the importance of sincerity, but not necessarily of gravity in its discussions. Had at first been reluctant to join the society, as he believed that it would interfere with his work for his two triposes, but came to feel that no part of his life at Cambridge was so real to him as the Saturday evenings he spent at the meetings at which Apostolic debates were held.

It was many years before he was to embrace the study of philosophy as his life's work: the reasons for this were partly financial. He had to accept the Classical lectureship that was offered to him on October 1859, and therefore had to devote a considerable amount of time to classical study. He also allowed himself 'to be seduced into private tuition as a means of increasing [his] income.' Adds that Cambridge vacations being long, he had a good deal of spare time, and he began a systematic study of philosophy, reading J.S. Mill's works. Discusses the influence that the latter had on him, but adds that he was 'by no means [then] disposed to acquiesce in negative or agnostic answers', and hat he had not in any way broken with the orthodox Christianity in which he had been brought up, though he had been sceptical of it.

Refers also to his study of theology and political economy. In 1862 he was very impressed by Renan's Essai [Études] d'histoire religieuse, and derived from that work that it was 'impossible really to understand at first hand Christianity as a historical religion without penetrating more deeply the mind of the Hebrews and of the Semitic stock from which they sprang.' This led him to devote much time to studying Arabic and Hebrew. Refers to an article he wrote on [J. R. Seeley's] Ecce Homo in the Westminster Review of July 1863, in which he reveals the provisional conclusions that he had formed with regard to Christianity. Says he found some relief from the great internal debate on the subjects of Christianity, Scepticism and Agnosticism in the renewal of his linguistic studies. His study of Arabic and Hebrew literature and history led him to think that he might secure one of the two professorships in Arabic at Cambridge. Believed that the inclusion of theology in the remit of the single chair of Moral Philosophy made it unlikely that he would attain this, since he was neither a clergyman nor orthodox.

Began to realise that the study of Arabic and Hebrew were drawing him away from 'the central problems which constituted [his] deepest interest', and the study of philosophy and theology began again to occupy more of his time. He accepted the examinership in the Moral Sciences Tripos, and was later offered a lectureship in Moral Science in exchange for his classical lectureship, and accepted. Determined to throw himself into the work of making a philosophical school in Cambridge. Had meanwhile been led back to the study of philosophy 'by a quite different line [of thought]', which led him to question whether he should keep his fellowship or not. Refers to his work The Methods of Ethics, and thoughts systematised therein. Note here by Nora Sidgwick refers to remarks made by Henry in relation to the 'miraculous birth' [of Jesus], the Resurrection and Ascension.

Also refers to psychical research, and his desire to attain direct proof of continual individual existence, 'which he regarded as necessary from an ethical point of view.' In relation to the education of women, states that he took up this cause 'as a piece of practically useful work for mankind', and that he turned his thoughts towards it after he had given up his fellowship.

Nora adds that the above information was written down from recollection 'not immediately after he said it.' Envelope accompanies 105/46-50. Addressed to Nora Sidgwick at Newnham College. Label "some MS notes, including 'Autobiographical Fragment', and 'Henry's instructions about his unfinished work etc.'"

Explains that she carried off Dr Henry Jackson's letter by mistake, and encloses it, along with a note from J.B. Mayor [neither included]; says that the latter 'throws some light on the article.' Believes that it would be a mistake to print the article in a collection of Henry Sidgwick's papers 'because his part is so very short', but adds that [ ] Shipley, to whom she showed it 'is much charmed with it as an imitation of Plato.'

Adds that Henry's part only brings out one point, and that they have no way of knowing 'whether he considered Grotes [sic] answer satisfactory - whether the G[ ] of the latter part of the whole paper can be considered as representing Henry's view or not.' Speculates on the circumstances of the discussion; suggests that it took place at Trumpington, and believes that it should be referred to in any bibliography.

Undertakes to send back 'the number of the N[ ] Review' with the number of the Contemporary [Review] containing the article on "Verification of Beliefs" and one in the Nineteenth Century which should be [consistent] but is...p[ ] [ ] in the Ph[ ]'. Thinks that Henry intended Miss Jones 'to judge whether ethical matter not yet printed should be published or whether printed ethical articles should be republished', but believes that Jones is 'a little too much inclined to publish': she may argue with her about particular papers before a final decision is come to.

Refers to Henry's papers in Mind, to notices of books, and to ethical and philosophical papers, and suggests that they discuss the republication of these various works with regard to the arrangement of volumes. Sets out her idea of the ideal format of a volume 'of Philosophical and Ethical Fragments', and lists the titles or subjects of articles, lectures and other works, and the publications in which they appeared.

In Nora Sidgwick's hand. Refers to his lectures on philosophical subjects, some of which he believes should be published. Suggests that a young man might be employed to work on some of them and that [James] Ward might read the proofs through 'and give advice on any point of difficulty.' Refers also to a number of lectures that he had intended to make into a book on Kant and Kantism in England, and also to works on [T. H. ] Green, agnosticism and relativism and two lectures on [Herbert] Spencer. Does not believe that the lectures on Epistemology 'in connection with [Christoph von] Sigwart' are worth publishing as a continuous whole, but thinks certain parts of them might be published as fragments. Suggests Ward's involvement, so long as he would not undertake too much work.

Refers also to his articles on ethics, printed and unprinted. Expresses his wish that the question of 'the usefulness to mankind' be the '[ ] principle for deciding on publication', and that the volume of the labour required should be taken into account also. Would like lectures that are not published to be handed over to anyone who may be lecturing on that particular subject, and mentions in particular some fragmentary lectures on his book on The Elements of Politics, which he would like to be offered to Th[ ] or Dickinson or divided between them.

Has done a good deal of reading for a book, The Development of European Polity, for which the plan is sketched 'in the first lecture of a pamphlet containing 3 printed lectures.' Has been his view 'more and more of late years that a three fold treatment of Political Science is desirable for [ ]', and lays out his theory. Would like the teachers of Political Science to be consulted on the possibility of working out his plans with the aid of his material. Again suggests that a young man might be paid to work on this matter. Expresses concern over expense, and states that he believes his work to be 'too sketchy and amateurish for it to be desirable to use it otherwise than as material.' Was comtemplating giving up the idea of publication so long as he held his chair 'feeling that the time and labour required to make it an adequately scholarly work would not be given [ ]' with his duty as a Professor of Moral Philosophy.'

Writes on the occasion of Robertson's marriage, referring to the 'two wonders' produced by getting married in one's middle age: the question of how one existed so long unmarried, 'and 'how this strange mingling of lives ever came about.' MS copy of 'part of a letter' in Nora Sidgwick's hand, with note that Mrs James Robertson showed her the letter on 11 October 1908, when she brought her youngest son [Dennis Holme Robertson] to make her acquaintance on his entering Trinity College.

MS copy of 'part of letter' in Nora Sidgwick's hand. States that he wishes he could see the election contest well that year. Declares that it is 'in every way the most interesting crisis there has been for some time'. Believes that if the Liberals come in the following year 'they will not only settle the Irish Church but dispose of education without particular regard for the ecclesiastical obstacles that are generally in the way.' In relation to the English Church establishment is that 'it is only a question of time'. Believes that if the Liberals win the election it will be the I[rish] C[hurch] which will go first, 'then the Scotch, then, in a few years the English.' Declares that if the Conservatives win 'the United Church of Great Britain at [ ] will go at the [ ] reaction.' With regard to the somewhat melancholy way' in which Dakyns speaks of his [places], refers to the relative unimportance of each individual in the scheme of the universe, and declares that 'the only thing to do is to f[ ] some p[lace] in the interest of the human race, calculated on the ordinary chances of human life, and carry it not for one's own good and comfort....'

Relates that the previous day she saw Lady Frances [Balfour], who told her of Nora's 'great sorrow' [Henry Sidgwick's illness]. Expresses her sympathy with her, and remarks that of course she and Henry and their families came before 'the work he has spent his life for'. Refers to the permanent good he has accomplished in his life up to now, and claims that he has 'put the whole of women's education at Cambridge on a firm and lasting basis', and although the work is not completed he has, with Nora's help, 'planned it and guided it on lines where it will develop in the right way'. Claims that no one 'without his great position at Cambridge as a scholar and philosopher could have done for [them] what he did.' Remarks that he did for women's education what Mill did in politics. Mentions the fact that Nora is going to London, and offers to help her in any way. Assures her that she and Agnes 'would be only too thankful'. Invites her to come 'for rest', and suggests that she [Fawcett] might go to see Nora.

Has read seventeen chapters of [Henry Sidgwick's] The Development of European Polity, and is certain that it ought to be published. The idea of the book 'as a sort of comment upon the results of history' strikes him as 'extremely original'; praises the skill with which it is executed. His own series of lectures on the comparative study of constitutions has made him realise the difficulty of the task that Henry had undertaken. Refers to his own effort 'to give some account of the connection between Law and Opinion in England during the Nineteenth Century', and to the difficulties he has met. Declares what an immense impression the book has so far made on him, and predicts that it will add greatly to Henry's reputation. Expresses his surprise that the work was not in a more fragmentary condition that it is.

His wife Elinor is away for the winter and at Tunbridge Wells at the present, and is unlikely to return to Oxford until the end of the season. Expresses the wish that it were now possible 'either to admit women to seats on County Councils or to make it to a certain extent compulsory that there should be women on the Committees for managing schools', but observes that the Opposition 'seem to occupy so much time in attempts to injure the Government, that they make it impossible to consider and debate changes [which] might be real improvements. Adds that he believes that he should be equally unwilling either to assail or defend the Bill. Tells her to let her know if she is ever in Oxford.

On headed notepaper Newnham College, Cambridge:- MS note [in Nora's hand?] states 'All enclosed in one envelope docketed by Mary Sidgwick "Their [Henry and Nora's] wedding arrangements" '. Originally accompanying 105/13-18.

Henry wishes her to write to Mary about the arrangements for the wedding. Discusses arrangements for guests to arrive at 4 Carlton Gardens after the wedding service. Explains that they [the Balfours] have two carriages: one will take her and Henry back to the house and the other will take her sister [Alice?]; they could then send one back to the church to collect Mary. She and Henry intend to leave 'by a 2.5 train from Victoria.' They are going up to Carlton Gardens on Friday or Saturday. It is very inconvenient not to be able to get into the house: it makes arrangements so much more difficult. They went to Cambridge the previous day to see a house, which they are thinking of taking 'at Midsummer', and thought it looked comfortable, but it is not quite finished yet.

Claims to have meant to send 'these [articles]' sooner, but has been puzzling over the lectures on sociology, which she had mentioned, intending to send them also. Feels that she had better get 'a clearer picture of them and of their relation to published papers' before sending them.

With regards 'the Classical Review article' returns Dr Jackson's letter to Ward [not included], and sends one from J. B. Mayor to Henry Sidgwick . Asks him to return the latter at his leisure. Thinks that it would be a mistake to print the article in a collection of Henry's papers, as 'his part is so very short'. Adds, however, that Miss Sharpley, to whom she showed it 'is much charmed with it as an imitation of Plato'. States that Henry's part 'only brings out one point and [one has] no means of knowing whether he admitted Grote's answer to it to be sufficient - whether the G[ ] of the latter part of the whole paper can be considered as representing Henry's view or not.' Speculates as to the circumstances under which the discussion took place, and suggests it took place at Trumpington. Thinks that the article should be referred to in any bibliography and that a bibliography 'ought to be given either in the volume of fragments or in the biography....'

Also sends him the 1871 number of the Contemporary Review, 'containing the article on Verification of Beliefs...and one in the Nineteenth Century for 1880 on Historical Psychology'. Remarks that Henry was rather dissatisfied with the second one when it appeared. In relation to 'Miss Jones', states that she believes that Henry 'intended her to judge about publication [or] republication of Ethical matter in the same way that he asked [Ward] to do about philosophical work.' Thinks that she is 'a little too much inclined to publish' and considers trying to argue with her about any particular paper before a final decision is come to.' States that 'of course the question of republishing all the papers in Mind or all the notices of books is not purely a question of Ethics. Adds that 'in deciding about Ethical or Philosophical papers or anything else [they] must have regard to the whole amount to be published and the arrangement of volumes and must therefore talk it over all together to some extent.'

Announces that she envisages the publication of two volumes; one of 'philosophical and ethical etc fragments and essays for students' and one of 'more literary essays suited to the general public, and no more', and that the second would probably be entirely reprints. Lists the works possibly to be included in the first volume, including Kant lectures, Green lectures, Ethical papers, lectures on Sociology, articles on the Sophists in the Journal of Philology, the 'Dialogue in Mind on Time and Common sense', 'the articles in the Contemporary and XIXth Century sent with the letter [not included], Ethical articles in Mind, and 'some lectures on Kant's Ethics'.

States that the 'popular volume edited by A[rthur] S[idgwick] would probably be small', and would probably contain a review of Clough in the Westminster Review of 1869, an article on Bentham in the Fortnightly of 1877, 'Political Prophecy and Sociology for the National Review of 1899', the address on Economics 'to section F. of the British Association 1885', 'The Theory of Clerical Education from the volume on Liberal Education 1867', 'Idle Fellowship[s]' in the Contemporary [Review] of 1876, '[A] Lecture against Lecturing' from the New Review of 1890, an article on [Seeley's] Ecce Homo in the Westminster Review of 1866, 'The Prophet of Luther' in Macmillan's Magazine of 1867, 'The Economic Lessons of Socialism' in the Economic Journal of 1895, 'Economic Socialism' in the Contemporary Review of 1886 (though Nora thinks that the latter 'is probably practically superseded by Elements of Politics), a short appreciation of J.S. Mill's work on his death in 1873 (of which Mrs Marshall gave Nora a copy) in the Academy of 1873, and an article on sociology.

Reports on the progress of their [honeymoon] journey: they reached Dover 'without adventure', and had a smooth crossing [to Calais], then a pleasant, but dusty, rail journey to Amiens. They have been to see the cathedral, which is beautiful. They intend going to Paris the following afternoon, and hope to get rooms at the Hôtel Bedford, Rue de l'Arcade. Is sorry she did not see Mary nearly as much as she had hoped to the previous day, but notes that Henry says that Mary promised to come to Cambridge to see them soon. Henry sends his love, and he hopes that Mary had a satisfactory interview with Dr Andrew Clark.

Since returning to England from Paris she has been very busy with various activities, which delayed her writing to Mary. It is very pleasant being settled in their own house in Cambridge, even though it is only a temporary one. Asks Mary when she intends to come to stay with her and Henry. They have got a cook, who is coming to them on 9 May for a month's trial period. Hopes that William and Isabel have arrived and are well, and sends her and Henry's love to them. Wishes that they could both come to see them, but is glad that William can see Mary. Adds that the cruet stand they want is a stand for oil and vinegar and sauces, and on the strength of what Mary said, Nora chose one in London that cost £7 or £8. Asks if they may wait about 'the other things' like china and glass, until they move into their new house, as they have the use of the Fawcett's things in the house where they are at present living. Sends a photograph of herself [not included], and explains that Henry's have not yet come. They only came to Cambridge from London the previous morning, but visited for a day the previous week as Henry had an examiners' meeting. Thinks the decoration of the house in which they are now living would amuse Mary; describes the drawing room, which they do not much like.

Mostly reviews of Henry Sidgwick: A Memoir, with some letters to Nora Sidgwick regarding the publication, or sending on reviews. One review (106/77) of Henry Sidgwick's The Philosophy of Kant and Other Lectures, from the Academy.