Reports that he is still in Cambridge, 'tolerably well and taking great care of [his] health...' Expects the following term to be difficult. Refers to how he spends his days. Announces that he intends to stay there until the beginning of term, 'to see the last of [his] fellowship'. States that his position in the College 'in respect of rooms etc is still quite undetermined.' Refers to the candidates for fellowship. Announces that he expects 'a mild Hindoo', who is a pupil of Tawney's and a disappointed candidate for the Indian Civil Service, to come and see him on the following Friday. Reports that when he returned to Cambridge he discovered that one of the senior fellows at Trinity was in a lunatic asylum, and asks her to report this news to Arthur. Is pleased by the appointment of Seeley as the new professor of history, as the subject is 'at a very low ebb in Cambridge, and he is just the man to inspire an enthusiasm for it'; also always thought it a 'great loss to us' when Seeley went down. Asks after William.
Wixenford, Eversley. - They returned home last night after a 'delightful week at Niton' [on the Isle of Wight]. Has now unwrapped the paper-case and blotting book which are 'pretty' and useful, and which he will greatly value as Bobbie's gifts. Will hope to receive few lines from Bobbie at the end of his first fortnight [at Harrow]; thinks he will be placed 'without further exam[inatio]n in Lower Remove', where the work will not be easy, with some of it familiar, so he need only keep from making 'avoidable blunders'. Hopes Bobbie will show them he has 'some idea of Latin Prose'. Asks him to tell George he will keep the same bed-room: Arnold will try to find someone George will like to share it with. Expects that after Midsummer he will share it with Booth's brother, who will join the school then. Is returning [James?] Welldon's letter, which Bobbie's mother 'kindly' let him read; thanks her for writing; he will reply to her when he has news about George. Hopes Bobbie's elder brother [Charles] has recovered, and that he will not 'lose his promotion': it would be 'very hard lines' if it did. Adds a postscript to say he is reading [John Robert] Seeley's "Expansion of England", and thinks Bobbie would like it: it is certainly 'more interesting than the dry-as-dust' he read for the Bowen prize; he can probably find it in his House library.
Refers to his disappointment at 'the two answers from Oxford.' Thinks it would be better to postpone an application to Professor Seeley 'till another attempt has been made at Oxford, through Mr [T.H.?] Green.' Informs Sidgwick that the emblem and the motto [for the Free Christian Union?] have been changed in conformity with his suggestions, and with regard to the pamphlet, Martineau asks him if to give him advice for its improvement. Mentions that he has 'already profited by some friendly criticisms'. Admits that he has not read the proof yet, and predicts that he shall probably find plenty of faults.
Martineau, James (1805-1900), Unitarian ministerLetter from Enfield to Sidgwick, 1 December 1868, with letters from J. R. Seeley and James Martineau to Enfield, and notes by Martineau.
Enfield, Edward (1811-1880), philanthropistClaims to have meant to send 'these [articles]' sooner, but has been puzzling over the lectures on sociology, which she had mentioned, intending to send them also. Feels that she had better get 'a clearer picture of them and of their relation to published papers' before sending them.
With regards 'the Classical Review article' returns Dr Jackson's letter to Ward [not included], and sends one from J. B. Mayor to Henry Sidgwick . Asks him to return the latter at his leisure. Thinks that it would be a mistake to print the article in a collection of Henry's papers, as 'his part is so very short'. Adds, however, that Miss Sharpley, to whom she showed it 'is much charmed with it as an imitation of Plato'. States that Henry's part 'only brings out one point and [one has] no means of knowing whether he admitted Grote's answer to it to be sufficient - whether the G[ ] of the latter part of the whole paper can be considered as representing Henry's view or not.' Speculates as to the circumstances under which the discussion took place, and suggests it took place at Trumpington. Thinks that the article should be referred to in any bibliography and that a bibliography 'ought to be given either in the volume of fragments or in the biography....'
Also sends him the 1871 number of the Contemporary Review, 'containing the article on Verification of Beliefs...and one in the Nineteenth Century for 1880 on Historical Psychology'. Remarks that Henry was rather dissatisfied with the second one when it appeared. In relation to 'Miss Jones', states that she believes that Henry 'intended her to judge about publication [or] republication of Ethical matter in the same way that he asked [Ward] to do about philosophical work.' Thinks that she is 'a little too much inclined to publish' and considers trying to argue with her about any particular paper before a final decision is come to.' States that 'of course the question of republishing all the papers in Mind or all the notices of books is not purely a question of Ethics. Adds that 'in deciding about Ethical or Philosophical papers or anything else [they] must have regard to the whole amount to be published and the arrangement of volumes and must therefore talk it over all together to some extent.'
Announces that she envisages the publication of two volumes; one of 'philosophical and ethical etc fragments and essays for students' and one of 'more literary essays suited to the general public, and no more', and that the second would probably be entirely reprints. Lists the works possibly to be included in the first volume, including Kant lectures, Green lectures, Ethical papers, lectures on Sociology, articles on the Sophists in the Journal of Philology, the 'Dialogue in Mind on Time and Common sense', 'the articles in the Contemporary and XIXth Century sent with the letter [not included], Ethical articles in Mind, and 'some lectures on Kant's Ethics'.
States that the 'popular volume edited by A[rthur] S[idgwick] would probably be small', and would probably contain a review of Clough in the Westminster Review of 1869, an article on Bentham in the Fortnightly of 1877, 'Political Prophecy and Sociology for the National Review of 1899', the address on Economics 'to section F. of the British Association 1885', 'The Theory of Clerical Education from the volume on Liberal Education 1867', 'Idle Fellowship[s]' in the Contemporary [Review] of 1876, '[A] Lecture against Lecturing' from the New Review of 1890, an article on [Seeley's] Ecce Homo in the Westminster Review of 1866, 'The Prophet of Luther' in Macmillan's Magazine of 1867, 'The Economic Lessons of Socialism' in the Economic Journal of 1895, 'Economic Socialism' in the Contemporary Review of 1886 (though Nora thinks that the latter 'is probably practically superseded by Elements of Politics), a short appreciation of J.S. Mill's work on his death in 1873 (of which Mrs Marshall gave Nora a copy) in the Academy of 1873, and an article on sociology.
Sidgwick, Eleanor Mildred (1845-1936), college headWith regard to Sidgwick's essay, declares it to be well-reasoned, and expresses his supreme satisfaction with it. Asks for Sidgwick's criticisms of his [Farrar's] essay, on which [Charles Stuart?] Parker had given him 'some very valuable hints'. Is pleased that Sidgwick praises his friend Mr Joseph Payne, and informs him that Payne and Dr [William?] Hodgson are two very leading men at the College of [Preceptors]. Refers to a book on education by Mr [ ], which he declares to be 'thoroughly shallow'. Refers to a conversation with [William] Johnson [Cory], in which the latter mentioned a conference with Sidgwick, and asks him to explain a reference Johnson made to it. Expresses his hopes in relation to the latter's essay. Predicts the volume of essays [Essays on a Liberal Education, edited by Farrar] to be a valuable one, speaks favourably of the writings of Wilson, Seeley and Sidgwick, and judges Bowen's to be 'a little disappointing.' Reports that Lytton cannot contribute because of an illness. Expresses his intention of returning to Harrow on 27 August. Includes a list of queries about, and suggested changes to, Sidgwick's essay.
Refers to letter he sent that morning. Expresses his satisfaction with the progress of the Essays [on a Liberal Education, edited by Farrar], and praises those of Wilson, Seeley and Sidgwick as being 'most weighty and excellent'. Expresses the hope that he can secure some reviews, and asks Sidgwick to use his influence in that direction also, with, for example, Lord Houghton. Declares his intention of writing to Dr William Smith, and of trying 'to get the Quarterly [Review] to speak.' Asks Sidgwick for suggestions with regard to the preface. States his intention to try 'to get up a gathering at my home before the end of September.'
Regrets to say that he will not see William the following week. Reports that the latter has written to say that he does not feel well enough to come to the 'Ad Eundem'. Informs her that the marmalade has arrived, 'and is very nice.' Asks her to tell Arthur that they 'lost "the whole ticket" at the elections to Council.' Does not think that it will much matter, and states that '[t]he questions which are coming to the front now in Academic affairs are not of a party character.' Regrets to see that the same state of affairs does not exist 'in the metropolis: and that the worst features of Parliamentary Elections are to be introduced into the Elections of school-boards in the Metropolis'. States that he allowed his name to be put on Miss [Garrett]'s committee for Marylebone. Has learnt that the elections are to cost about £1,000 per candidate, and Miss [Garrett], 'standing on principles of peculiar p[ ] will only spend £500.' Adds that it is 'a terrible waste of money.' Reports that Trevelyan has been there 'in a very triumphant and anti-military state.' Quotes Seeley on opposition to a reform. Asks her opinion of Myers' last poem in Macmillan['s Magazine]. Thinks it 'very fine', and remarks that Myers' ability 'to write anything so like Pope shows great versatility of style.' Adds that he is glad that she liked Catherine Symonds.
Sympathises with Patterson with regard to his 'misfortunes'. Asks him to tell G[yula?] Lanczy that, on consultation with Seeley, the Regius Professor of History, they are in agreement that Smyth's Lectures on the French Revolution 'is now a quite antiquated book', and not worth buying for the Kolosvár [now Cluj-Napoca] Library. Reports that Seeley had never hear of Professor Miller's History Philosophically illustrated, and that he [Sidgwick] thinks that it too 'was rather passé.' Reports that he cannot find the essay of Patterson's friend and colleague [Frigyes?] Medveczky; asks him to tell him the title, and he will try to read it in some library. Undertakes to try 'to secure the favourable notice of "Mind" for Dr Pickler's [Gyula Pickler?] essay', and asks Patterson to forward the translation to him. Reports that they are 'on tenterhooks, expecting some continental explosion and a conflagration of [ ] extent'.
Reports that she has recovered from her cough, and gets out whenever the weather permits. States that Arthur is quite busy, since no new classical master has yet been appointed. Claims that she spends much time writing to friends whom she had neglected while she was ill. Refers to [J.R. Seeley's] Ecce Homo, which she found very interesting, as well as to Lady Duff Gordon's Letters from Egypt, which she found pleasant reading. Asks Henry to tell her of some other interesting book. Expresses the hope that she sees signs of her 'heretofore active, restless life merging into something more quiet and contemplative...after the wear and tear of half a century....' Remarks on the amount of letters that Henry has written to her in the past, and suggests that he may like to look over them as Arthur has done with the letters he has written.
Reports that William has bought a horse, and that Minnie tells her that Martin was quite ill 'from the effects of a bad drain at Harrow'. States that the news from Stone Gappe 'is more cheering': Henry's Uncle Lace has hired a piano for 'poor Elizabeth' at York, who is much better. Refers to a melancholy letter received from [Lucy] Brown, who has been suffering from intense headaches. Asks him to send her the January number of Macmillan's Magazine, as she wants to read an article on ' "Natural prayer" '. Hopes to see Henry at Easter.
States that she will be very glad to see any friend that he may bring to Rugby in Passion Week, and that she would very much like to see [J. R.] Seeley. Suggests that they stay a few days into Easter week, so that they could have a party on Easter Tuesday. Announces that his Uncle Robert will be there. States that she leaves Hillary Place [home of her brother John Crofts] the following Tuesday and goes for one night to Ryddlesden [John Benson Sidgwick], then to Stone Gappe [Francis John Lace], then the Raikes [Robert Hodgson Sidgwick] 'ending with poor Lucy Brown at Lytham', and will come home via Crewe.
Claims that she has heard nothing from William, and fears that he is still very unwell. Thanks Henry for his 'full explanation of Miss [Matilda?] Tootal's difficulty', and undertakes to call upon her to tell her what he says before she leaves Leeds. Reports that Etty Crofts is reading all the material recommended by Mr Hales 'for the better understanding of his lectures....' Reports also that she has just heard from 'poor Mr. Horton who is suffering from congestion of one lung' and that he is to send his paper on Insanity so that Henry may judge whether it would be received by Macmillan. States that Henry's uncle [John?]'s health is better, and sometimes brave in his resolution to be cheerful, but that he often breaks down.
Discusses Henry Sidgwick's work The Development of European Polity, the proofs of which he has just finished reading; finds it more complete than he had though possible. There are many points in it that he would have liked to have discussed with Henry; for example, that he attaches far less weight to 'Seeley's speculations about the Government of England during the XVIIIth century' than Henry appears to do. Refers to Henry's thoughts about Switzerland; is certain that had he lived to complete the book he would have dealt with the issue of how 'in the Swiss cantons there never arose a tyrant....'
Now, since the substance of the book cannot be changed, he has little or nothing, as a critic, to say about it; says, however, how deeply the book impressed him with its value, and praises it as a work of historical speculation. It has been of real help to him in his attempt 'to trace the connection between Law and Opinion during the XIXth century'; gives further details, with reference to collectivism, individualism, socialism, Benthamism, despotism, the relations between Church and State, the development of constitutionalism in England and the emergence of the modern state, as well as the 'Factory Acts', the 'Tory Philanthropists', [J.S.] Mill, and [F.D.] Maurice. Is certain that there are many other people to whom the book will be helpful 'by the direction it gives to their thought and by the mode of thinking, which it encourages.'
Remarks on how sad it must be for Nora to have before her the constant feeling of how much more Henry could have done had he lived longer, but hopes that she can understand what a pleasure and comfort it is to his friends to have the book 'as such an exquisite memorial of him.' Is sending back the proofs separately. Will visit his cousin [Caroline Stephen] at 'The Porch' on Saturday 29 November, and is to spend Sunday there; asks Nora if she will be in Cambridge, as it would be a great pleasure for him if she could see him. Referring back to The Development of European Polity, remarks that he noticed that 'every now and then there were passages where the expression "on the one hand" and "on the other hand" seemed to [him] to have got a little confused', and suggests that 'two pieces from different lectures might have been joined together'. Regrets to say that his wife, who is at Tunbridge Wells, is not very well. Asks for Miss Fawcett's address in South Africa, as he wishes to send her a copy of the sixth edition of his book The Law of the Constitution, which is just coming out.
Announces that he 'went over to [b.m.b.] to arrange with Hall: but found everything settled...through the medium of the Telegraph.' Claims that he 'halfpersuaded' Hall to stay the night '[with the ladies] - holding out the bait of the Great Seeley[;] one of the objects of the poytheistic adoration of the Cross family'. Suggests that if the matter 'comes off' Myers might let Sidgwick have the [Frederic] Harrisons to breakfast, and 'will do lunch on Sunday so as to get [the Charles] Bowens.' Refers to Myers' last letter as 'thrilling', and wishes to speak to him.
Claims that he himself is 'in gloom and inertia.' Asks Myers if he will stay over on Monday. Announces that he goes over to dine with Hall on Sunday, coming back on Monday morning 'with the ORATOR [Jebb?].' Remarks that there are 'several good concise points about the Conservative reaction.' Asks about Myers' plans to come [to Cambridge] on Friday. Adds: 'Hans Gladstone led a Barty Vere ish dat Barty now?', and asks '[h]ow much has C_l_l Ps had to pay for the privilege of not sitting in Parliament'.
Trinity:- Has 'had a new bill made out, and paid it': would have been better if they had sent it to him 'at the beginning', as he believes 'they were instructed to do'. His tripos is on the 31st, so he has almost a fortnight more, "each day being invaluable... would willingly give £10 a day for more time'. Only has six papers. Walked with Charlie and G[eorge] to Barrington yesterday and had tea there; the 'country is very delightful now', and the flowers better than he 'ever remember[s] seeing them'. Charlie has been well and 'enjoyed his visit immensely'. George and his friends have 'committed themselves to Skye [for a holiday ?]' and Robert does not think they could back out now, though they are having 'some difficulty in getting some volunteers for so distant an enterprise'.
Is glad to have good news of Welcombe; hopes Fairweather has recovered from his fall - he 'must be used to that sort of thing by now'. Went to dinner at the Myers' house last Sunday and met Dolly [Stanley?] who was 'very pleasant and delightful'. Also there was Sir Alfred Lyall, who 'was subjected to a severe catechism on Mango-trees and chupattis'. Saw Welldon at the Provost of King's', as he was 'preaching the annual university sermon'. The subject was 'the Colonial bishops and missionaries, and he very wisely' made the sermon into a 'historical lecture, quoting also large passages from Seeley's Expansion of England' and making 'a dull subject as interesting as it could be made'.
Refers to a paper he wrote on the proposed reform in the Classical Tripos, in which he urged the introduction of philosophy 'on the ground that the subjects with which philosophy is occupied are far more directly useful in after life than those with which philology is occupied.' Refers to Mr Vansittart's answer to his argument, and claims to feel somewhat hurt at the tone of the latter's sentences. It never occurred to him in writing his paper 'that useful pursuits could be taken to mean lucrative pursuits'; thinks that it is a pity it occurred to Mr Vansittart in reading it.
To clear himself from suspicion he proposes to give 'the desired definition of usefulness in after life', in order to counter his detractor's arguments. Disputes the opinion that he should adopt 'the doctrine of Mr Mozley' in relation to the matter, and puts forward the view that Cambridge studies 'ought to be such as will be useful in after life' and that they are not sufficiently so. Adds however that he does not maintain 'that they ought to be just such studies and no others, as will be most useful in after life'. Contends that the way in which a study can best help a man forward in his occupation is by furnishing him with the general principles which apply to it.'
Applies his theory to the case of the study of theology, referring to the fact that a great number of Cambridge students become clergymen. Suggests that the introduction of Greek philosophy into the Tripos examination would be of benefit to such students. Also refers to the benefit of the study of philosophy for English lawyers. Makes reference to Aristotle, and Plato's Republic, and to a treatise by Rousseau on education. Adds that he does not question that the study of philology has its uses. Quotes 'Mr Mill', who claimed that every sentence analysed 'is a lesson in logic', and regrets that grammar 'is not at present taught very rationally at Cambridge.' Believes that the introduction of Sanskrit into the examination in place of history would ruin it. States that if a third dead language is added to the two difficult ones already required he will not have any objection to the examination as such but will 'hope to see it sink decidedly below the level of the Moral Sciences Examination, as dealing with less important subjects, and deprived of the power of conferring a degreee, as an insufficient test of a high education.'
has read tracts on the Classical Tripos, approves Seeley's and Sidgwick's, Mozley's "unpractical as it is and inopportune, has seeds of the future in it", a university education should train men for public life, the triposes tend to check originality and ardour: Ilkley
Declares that it strikes her 'that the action mentioned' by her brother Percy [see 103/44] 'is all the more generous in that P.G. must have been one of the very few Mor[al] Science men who were not in any way pupils of Dr S[idgwick.' Percy 'went down just after taking his classical degree... and read Philosophy a good deal alone and then with some coaching from Seeley's brother [perhaps Leonard Benton Seeley?] in London'. Declares that Dr Sidgwick showed 'peculiar generosity in this case.'
In Nora Sidgwick's hand. Declares his aim: to give an account of his life - mainly his inner intellectual life - 'as shall render the central and fundamental aims that partially at least determined its course when apparently most fitful and erratic, as clear and intelligible as [he] can.' Refers to biographical information in 'the Life of Edward Benson' [by A. C. Benson], in which he noted 'the great change that took place about the middle of [his] undergraduate time', which was triggered by his becoming a member of the discussion society known as the Apostles. Refers to a description of the latter in the late Dean Merivale's autobiography. Describes the spirit of the society as that of 'the pursuit of truth with absolute devotion and unreserved by a group of intimate friends, who were perfectly frank with each other and indulgent in any amount of humourous [sic] sarcasm and playful banter....' Emphasises the importance of sincerity, but not necessarily of gravity in its discussions. Had at first been reluctant to join the society, as he believed that it would interfere with his work for his two triposes, but came to feel that no part of his life at Cambridge was so real to him as the Saturday evenings he spent at the meetings at which Apostolic debates were held.
It was many years before he was to embrace the study of philosophy as his life's work: the reasons for this were partly financial. He had to accept the Classical lectureship that was offered to him on October 1859, and therefore had to devote a considerable amount of time to classical study. He also allowed himself 'to be seduced into private tuition as a means of increasing [his] income.' Adds that Cambridge vacations being long, he had a good deal of spare time, and he began a systematic study of philosophy, reading J.S. Mill's works. Discusses the influence that the latter had on him, but adds that he was 'by no means [then] disposed to acquiesce in negative or agnostic answers', and hat he had not in any way broken with the orthodox Christianity in which he had been brought up, though he had been sceptical of it.
Refers also to his study of theology and political economy. In 1862 he was very impressed by Renan's Essai [Études] d'histoire religieuse, and derived from that work that it was 'impossible really to understand at first hand Christianity as a historical religion without penetrating more deeply the mind of the Hebrews and of the Semitic stock from which they sprang.' This led him to devote much time to studying Arabic and Hebrew. Refers to an article he wrote on [J. R. Seeley's] Ecce Homo in the Westminster Review of July 1863, in which he reveals the provisional conclusions that he had formed with regard to Christianity. Says he found some relief from the great internal debate on the subjects of Christianity, Scepticism and Agnosticism in the renewal of his linguistic studies. His study of Arabic and Hebrew literature and history led him to think that he might secure one of the two professorships in Arabic at Cambridge. Believed that the inclusion of theology in the remit of the single chair of Moral Philosophy made it unlikely that he would attain this, since he was neither a clergyman nor orthodox.
Began to realise that the study of Arabic and Hebrew were drawing him away from 'the central problems which constituted [his] deepest interest', and the study of philosophy and theology began again to occupy more of his time. He accepted the examinership in the Moral Sciences Tripos, and was later offered a lectureship in Moral Science in exchange for his classical lectureship, and accepted. Determined to throw himself into the work of making a philosophical school in Cambridge. Had meanwhile been led back to the study of philosophy 'by a quite different line [of thought]', which led him to question whether he should keep his fellowship or not. Refers to his work The Methods of Ethics, and thoughts systematised therein. Note here by Nora Sidgwick refers to remarks made by Henry in relation to the 'miraculous birth' [of Jesus], the Resurrection and Ascension.
Also refers to psychical research, and his desire to attain direct proof of continual individual existence, 'which he regarded as necessary from an ethical point of view.' In relation to the education of women, states that he took up this cause 'as a piece of practically useful work for mankind', and that he turned his thoughts towards it after he had given up his fellowship.
Nora adds that the above information was written down from recollection 'not immediately after he said it.' Envelope accompanies 105/46-50. Addressed to Nora Sidgwick at Newnham College. Label "some MS notes, including 'Autobiographical Fragment', and 'Henry's instructions about his unfinished work etc.'"
Sidgwick, Henry (1838-1900), philosopherIn Nora Sidgwick's hand. Myers declares that he has been reading Henry's review of [J. R. Seeley's] Ecce Homo 'with very great interest'; believes that it is one of the most brilliant things Henry has done. It makes him wish that Henry would write some other similar essays. Adds that his mother also greatly admires it.
Sidgwick, Eleanor Mildred (1845-1936), college headThanks her for sending him a copy of Henry Sidgwick: A Memoir, which he is reading 'with the greatest interest'. Congratulates her and her 'collaborator' [Arthur Sidgwick] on 'the success with which a most striking and delightful personality is recalled'. He met Henry often when he [Hales] was in residence as a Fellow of Christ's College, and always looks back to the talks he then enjoyed with him and with Professor Seeley 'as amongst the dearest privileges of [his] life'. When he [Hales] was put on the Syndicate 'for considering whether girls should be admitted to the Local [Examinations]' Henry often called to see him to discuss the matter; his own view, in favour of admission, owed much to Henry's encouragement. Adds that Henry was 'the leading and moving spirit of the progressive movements of those days, as of many days after.'
Hales, John Wesley (1836-1914), literary scholarReturns the 'fragment' [not included], and asks her to let him know that it has reached her. Remarks that it is deeply interesting, and expresses the wish that there had been more of it. Queries a date in it in relation to the publication of Ecce Homo [by Seeley, of which Henry Sidgwick wrote a critique] and points out that the terms ' "classical lectureship" ' and ' "lectureship in moral sciences" ' are 'technically inexact', and goes on to explain the system of appointments and titles.
Thanks Nora for her 'most kindly and valuable support of the petition made to the First Lord of the Treasury [her brother Arthur Balfour, the Prime Minister]' by certain friends of Hales' on his behalf some weeks previously. Remarks on what a consolation it must be to her to see how Henry Sidgwick's name and influence live on 'as his work is more and more fully realized'. Recalls how Professor Seeley once remarked to him of Henry what a king he was amongst his contemporaries in Cambridge. Declares what a different place Cambridge seems without Henry; meeting him was 'like breathing a purer and keener air'. Refers to his eagerness to show an interest in anything that merited interest, and his abiltity to clear up 'any perplexity of any worthy kind.' States that Professor Gardiner, Professor Seeley and Henry 'are the three men who stood out in mind and character above all others....'
Sends their love to Miss Clough, and states that they were sadly grieved to hear of her bereavement [the death of her mother]. Recalls that he owed his first introduction to Miss Clough's mother and aunt to Henry in 1867, when a committee was choosing two lecturers - one from Oxford and one from Cambridge - to undertake courses of English history and literature in the province, and he [Hales] was proposed by Henry 'as the Cambridge man'. Sends his and his wife's kindest regards to Nora.
Hales, John Wesley (1836-1914), literary scholarWrites to express his sympathy on the death of Henry Sidgwick, who he knew from boyhood. Claims to have had always 'the highest admiration for his great powers and his noble character', and remarks that it is hard to believe that he should have died before him [Mayor], who is 'so much his senior.' Refers to the help Henry gave him in editing Professor Grote's book. Declares that his death 'following so soon on that of Seeley and Hort has deprived Cambridge of its best and most characteristic elements.' Claims that his brother, who was mathematical master of Rugby when Henry was a boy, used to speak of the latter 'as his best pupil', and noticed how he used to approach examinations. Hopes that the report that he had begun to put down memoranda 'with a view to a history of his own mental development' may be true.
Hard-backed notebook inscribed on first page 'R.E. Paget Notes from Lectures'. Both ends of the notebook have been used. One end for 'Notes from lectures by Prof. Seeley On the Political Parties in England, Oct. 1877', and the other for 'Notes from lectures by Prof. Colvin on "Some favourite themes of Mediaeval and Renaissance Art" Nov. 1877'.
Three hard-backed black notebooks pasted together inscribed on inside front cover 'Notes from Lectures on English Literature Lent Term 1884'.
First notebook inscribed 'Notebooks from lectures on English Literature by Mr. Leslie Stephens' [sic].
Second notebook inscribed 'Notes from lectures by Prof. Seeley on Napoleon Bonaparte' October 1882.
Third notebook inscribed 'Notes from our tour in France', 1882. A little intercalated material.
Two hard-backed black notebooks pasted together, inscribed on inside front covers, 'Notes from Lectures on Chemistry, April 1883' and 'Notes from Lectures by Prof. Seeley' 1883-1884.
First notebook has been used to record notes on 'Elementary Chemistry'.
Second notebook has been used for notes on 'International History from the Seventeenth Century' and the 'Foreign Policy of England from the Revolution of 1688'. A little intercalated material.
Contains annotations and emendations.