A promise: "In consideration of your playing bowls this afternoon, I undertake that I will never again say anything disrespectful of the [Roman] Catholic Church."
Hardy, Godfrey Harold (1877-1947), mathematician(A mixture of typed (or carbon-copy) and handwritten sheets. With an envelope marked by McKerrow, ‘Bibliography of reprints Material’ and ‘Bibliographical Evidence | Part III IV’. The latter inscription has been struck through. There is no indication of the purpose for which these notes were compiled; they do not appear to have been published.)
Clarendon Press, Oxford.—Comments on the text, and suggests alterations.
(A handwritten message, with seven sheets of typed notes, of which the first six are numbered 2-7 and the last is unnumbered.)
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Transcript
The Clarendon Press, Oxford
1:1:26
Part III I p. 4 dele ‘or even non-existent’? I see what you mean, but it is awkward.
p. 10 Johnson’s Letters printed (from his MSS) in 1788 and in 1791. The printer normalized nearly all J’s (not infrequent) odd spellings.
Jane Austen always wrote beleive, neice, and even veiw. Hardly any trace of such spellings survived in her novels, except that in the first edition of Mansfield Park (which is very badly printed) a few spellings occur such as teize, which is undoubtedly Janian.
RWC
RBMcK.
[Additional notes:]
[Part I, Chapter vii?] p. 24
If you bring in stereos perhaps you ought to mention the nobler art of electroplating, {1} though I cannot say off-hand when it was introduced. The footnote perhaps needs modification. I believe that the introduction of stereos into America is quite recent. Frank Doubleday told me in 1920 that he was trying to persuade his people that it was possible to print from stereo; but when I asked him in (I think) 1925 if he had succeeded in doing so he said the resistance had been too strong for him. I am not quite clear if the second half of the footnote refers to America only. We should not willingly accept it as true of ourselves. In the first place (and this affects your text as well) we very often print a book in the first instance from plates. No type used in the New Eng-lish Dictionary ever touched the paper; and we should as soon think of printing a bible from type as of infringing the Thirty-Nine Articles. No printer would dream of printing a book like the Pocket Oxford Dictionary from type, unless he set it by machine, for no one would have enough type to produce it at any decent pace. The same is of course true of such books as Liddell and Scott. And when we set up a book of which we expect to sell a great many copies, e.g. the Oxford Book of English Verse, we make electroplates before printing, in order to keep the type perfectly clean. Indeed (and here I let you into a state secret) we make two sets of plates, so that if the first gets worn out a second may be made from the unused set. N.B. This is not true of the Oxford Book of English Prose, and is very exceptional. You mustn’t print too much of this information.
Chapter viii, p. 2
I believe that in the United States signatures are regarded as obsolete. {2}
[Chapter viii,] p. 11
Printing with figures. It might be interesting to infer, by comparison of a number of books printed by the same printer in the course of a few years, how many presses he possessed. I do not think I have ever seen a ‘figure’ consisting of two digits, or, if I have, certainly nothing above 12.
Chapter viii, pp 7-8
I think, indeed I am sure, that the normal place for both watermarks was the centre of the half-sheet. {3} I do not remember an ‘excentric’ {4} watermark before the very end of the eighteenth century. In my experience of the eighteenth century, paper far oftener than not had two water-marks; and I suppose the intention of putting the mark or marks in the centre of the half-sheet was that it should be visible in the finest kind of book for which the paper was used, namely a folio. N.B. My Rawlinson MS of 1674 shews that the double watermark was well established by that date. {5} After about 1800 I think watermarks appear in all sorts of funny places.
Chapter x, p. 3
My copy of Brooke’s Gustavus Vasa (a subscriber’s copy on Royal paper) has two blank leaves at the beginning and two at the end, not forming part of the book as printed, but included in the stabbing.
[Chapter x,] p. 4-5
Unfortunately I cannot lay my hands on such evidence; but my impression is that publishers’ boards are a good deal earlier than you suggest. Eighteenth Century publishers’ advertisements give price sewn, price in boards, price bound. Sometimes, though not normally, two of these are given as alternatives. My impression is that ‘price in boards’ is as common earlyish in the century as ‘price sewn’. A Dodsley pamphlet of 1754, which I happen to turn up, has in half a dozen places ‘price bound’. Pamphlets were issued also in wrappers. {6}
Part II.
Chapter iv, p. 1
Except of course in collected editions. The first edition of Thomson’s Sophonisba is octavo, the second edition is a very handsome quarto, printed to complete ‘the second volume of Mr Thomson’s Poems’, which consists mainly of the unsold and unsaleable sheets of the first edition of Liberty, and was produced with a special title-page uniform with The Seasons.
I suggest the avoidance of the word 12mo., which is as ugly to the eye as to the ear. Why not twelves? ‘(But you can’t say a twelve!)’ {7}
[Chapter iv,] p. 8.
Today the cost of blanks is due, not so much to waste in machining, as to the fact that we have to pay the compositor for the blanks as if they were full. But I do not know how far back that goes.
Chapter Vi†, p. 2
See my edition of the Tour to the Hebrides, p. 324, from which you will see that Boswell ‘hastened to the printing-house’; and also p. 481, which refers you to the notes to pp 232, 291, 324. I have recently been examining the revises (so-called by Boswell himself) of the Life of Johnson. These were regularly marked ‘For Press’ or ‘Send another revise’, and corrected by the press reader and by the author in a manner differing hardly at all from the modern practice. I am afraid I do not know of any proofs, except those you mention, earlier than about 1780, nor do I know of any surviving MSS which have been through the printer’s hands earlier than about that date. {8}
[Chapter Vi,] p. 287 (of the original print)
Bywater used to tell me that he had no doubt of the existence of picked copies; and I remember his shewing me a book which he believed to be a picked copy intended for presentation to some great man; but the process of picking would probably have reference to technical excellence (freedom from flaws in the paper and the like) rather than to the selection of sheets containing the corrected readings. But I can quite imagine Boswell, for instance, instructing Messrs Dilly to pick for say Sir Joshua Reynolds a copy containing the latest state of the sheets. {9}
Chapter ix
I demur to your expression (p. 4) ‘The text which embodies the author’s latest corrections should as a general rule be decisive in questions of reading’; I prefer your original wording ‘should be the basis of a modern edition’. In all the eighteenth and nineteenth century texts which I have edited and in which this question comes up I have found that variants must be judged upon their merits; there are, for example, readings in the third edition of the Life of Johnson which might be defended if they stood alone, but which fall to the ground the moment they are compared with the readings of the first and second editions, because they are explicable as printer’s errors and wholly inexplicable as author’s corrections. Sometimes of course (though not relatively very often) one has difficulty in making up one’s mind whether the author made a correction or the printer a mistake. There are quite gross errors in almost every edition of Boswell which ought not to have been perpetuated.
This is so far as I have got, but I hope to finish Part III in a day or so.
I will return the whole thing as soon as I can.
N.B. I have overlooked one or two notes.
Part II, chapter ii, p. 11
My uncut copy of Peacock’s Misfortunes of Elphin has the rough margin of the sheet at the top of the page, and the insets (the book is a duodecimo imposed for cutting) are much shorter at the top than the rest of the book.
Chapter iii, p. 3
I do not understand the expression ‘Printer, i.e. presumably publisher’. Ought you not to make it clearer why you presume this? {8}
RWC
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The handwritten message has been transcribed first above, though it is pinned between the last two of the other sheets. The additional notes are typed, except for a few corrections and additions (see below). The numbering of these sheets appears to indicate that one sheet is missing from the beginning. Chapter references repeated from the previous entry are omitted in the MS, but they have been supplied above in square brackets.
{1} Cf. Introduction to Bibliography, pp. 71-2.
{2} McKerrow has added the note: ‘(A fair number still)’.
{3} Cf. Introduction to Bibliography, p. 102, note.
{4} ‘x’ altered from ‘c’.
{5} Chapman has struck through the following sentence here: ‘(This wants verification; but my Library paper, p. 75, says ‘watermark’ or ‘watermarks’).’ The reference is to Chapman’s ‘Notes on Eighteenth-Century Bookbuilding’ in The Library, 4th series, iv, 175 (sic).
{6} This sentence was added by hand.
{7} This sentence was added by hand in the margin.
{8} There are pencil lines, or ticks, through this paragraph.
{9} There is a pencil line, or tick, through this paragraph.
† Sic.
On headed notepaper for 86 Chesterton Road, Cambridge. Has been a supervisor to Ambrose for more than two years, while she has been researching for her Ph.D. on 'Finitism in Mathematics'. She is 'an industrious & intelligent student, very well aware of the difficulties of the subject...& very persevering in her efforts to overcome them. She is keenly interested not only in the particular subject of her research but in philosophical problems generally'. Thinks 'she would be a competent & stimulating teacher of philosophy'.
Moore, George Edward (1873–1958), philosopherNote by Margaret Cropper, née Denman, to her son [Edward] Denman Cropper on free endpaper: 'I have done my best my very dear dear Boy to preserve this very interesting collection of letters, wh[ich] your dearest Father had carefully kept for many years - they will both by right, & by your Father's wish belong to you, & you will I am sure remember his wish that you should not separate or destroy them. God bless you my dear Denman - you be as good & truly excellent a man as your dear Father, & may you be spared the heavy trials he has had! - May you while young profit from your great advantages, & in time make yourself worthy of the celebrated men with whom your father was connected ie his Brother in Law L[or]d Macaulay - & his Father in law, yr Grandfather Denman. Your loving Mother M. C.'
The inside front cover is headed [again in Margaret Cropper's hand?] 'Letters from Lord Macaulay. - For E. D. Cropper from his Father', followed by a page index numbered 1-30 but left blank. The inside back cover is headed 'For E. D. Cropper' and 'Contents beginning this end'; a page index numbered 1-31 follows, and this one has several entries, including early autograph hymns by T. B. Macaulay, odes, 'squibs' and so on. Several of the following pages are also labelled to indicate contents; however, none of these documents are now present, and many pages have obviously been removed.
Monk Soham Rectory, Wickham Market, Suffolk.—Returns Crowfoot’s letter, and comments on it. Is planning to print an old ballad, which he heard recited by a local labourer. Encloses a related letter from Frank. Has received some poems from FitzGerald.
(With an envelope.)
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Transcript
Monk Soham Rectory, Wickham Market, Suffolk
Nov. 14th 1877.
My dear Wright
Many thanks for sending me Crowfoots interesting letter {1}, which I return herewith.
I am afraid the “spinam agens” or “spine-ache” will not hold water; since I suppose that the word is formed from its primal nouns in “-agium” {2}, like so many of our Latinized Words.
But the analogy between it and Rickets is curious and possibly the solution.
Rickets commonly leave some malformation, especially humptiness, so that the Somersetshire word “Spinnick” is quite in keeping.
I am always interested with such hints as that about nets and net; but I dare not put too much weight upon them.
I think that the cry of Simon Peter has a deeper feeling than the mere distinction, which is drawn between a part, and a perfect, fulfilment of the command.
Yet I would not say this to my dear old friend; since every tentacle, which lays hold on a reverent mind has its great value—especially for him.
And now I want your help, si licet, on another point.
I have unearthed, as I believe, a veritable old ballad, taken down last week from the mouth of the reciter, an old labourer of this parish.
It will appear, most likely, in Suffolk N. and Q, and so it was sent to Frank, at Edinburgh, who is, as you may remember, Mr Editor. I told him my views, and he has tried to verify them; and now wants more light, as you will see by his letter {3}.
But has the Ballad been ever in print? Much, as regards the interest of re-printing it, turns on this?
It has the veritable go of an old Ballad about it.
Can you give any light, or find up some Ballad-monger who can?
Only if it is a find, we must have the first prize in our Suffolk N. and Q.
I have got several more songs from our Bard {4}; one very pretty, but for the most part of an ordinary type—of the Billy Taylor type {5} rather.
You will greatly oblige us by any kind help in the matter.
Yours sincerely
Robert H. Groome
But “O the Hobby-horse”. Will you be willing to write a note concerning “Spinnage” for us? If so, pray do.
[Direction on envelope:] W. Aldis Wright Esq: | Trinity College | Cambridge [Redirected to:] Jerusalem Chamber | Westminster | London
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The envelope was postmarked at Cambridge on 15 Nov. 1877, and at London, E.C., on the same day. Two postage stamps have been peeled off.
{1} Add. MS b. 74/8/2.
{2} Closing inverted commas supplied.
{3} FitzGerald.
{4} Add. MS b. 74/8/3.
{5} Perhaps a reference to the translations of William Taylor of Norwich (1765-1836).
Correspondence re terms of appointment, equipment required etc, 1965-1967; letter from K.L. Blaxter re Synge's 'inaugural days', 7 Mar 1969.
Correspondence, agenda, meeting notes, reports, and other relevant papers dealing with the establishment of the original working party and the investigation. Includes newspaper cuttings, letter to The Times by Sir Anthony and papers dealing with the subsequent judicial inquiry.
Possibly part of E/4/3
Rickinson, A.B., Moss, D.J., Allen, D.J., Wallace, L.E., Rowe, M., & Epstein, M.A. (1981). Reactivation of Epstein-Barr virus-specific cytotoxic T cells by in vitro stimulation with autologous lymphoblastoid cell line. International Journal of Cancer, 27(5), 593–601.
Includes name, address, and number of publication sent, including Burkitt, Henle, and George Palade.
This file contains several photographs and postcards belonging to Sir Anthony.
A black-and-white school photograph of St Paul's School, London, which Sir Anthony attended.
School certificate, 1937; Cantab: BA, 1943; MA, 1949; MB BChir, 1949; MD, 1951; Oxon: MA, 1987
See D/19/112, Part 8 for relevant correspondence.
Includes Sir Anthony's own addresses under the letter 'E' and a loose letter from J.O. Adekumbi, Nigeria, acknowledging receipt of Sir Anthony's change of address, 11 Mar. 1986
This set of notebooks, spanning from 1952 until 1968, detail Sir Anthony's tissue and virus culture experiments and methods. These techniques involve the growth and maintenance of different cell lines. Viral culture experiments tested for the ability of particular viruses to infect cell lines of interest.
Negatives labelled 'Reichert' and figures, possibly film and exposure numbers, noted in the remarks columns on each covering page. Envelopes of prints identified on the envelopes according to experiment number and film/exposure numbers. Envelopes marked 'University of Bristol'