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On embossed notepaper, 'The Rectory, Weybridge'. Refers to Macaulay as 'your brother, my very much-loved cousin'; the memoir was perhaps sent to Macaulay's sister Hannah Trevelyan. With envelope labelled '18. Mrs Rose's Memorandum'.

(The full title, on f. 6r, is: ‘Vues politiques et Révolutionnaires de salut public contre la coalition des tyrans de l’Europe. Discours prononcé à Paris le quintide 1ere Décade de Nivôse, dans l’assemblée générale de la Section régénérée de Beaurepaire par Philoctès Sidney Sanchamau.’ For the year, see the preceding item.)

Docketed ‘Anecdote of the Duke de Richlieu.’

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Transcript

On the 18th of June 1727, the day, on w[hi]ch that solemn festival of the Fête-Dieu is kept, the Duke de Richelieu did not wait on the Emperour, as he ought to have done, under pretence of a fever. it was soon perceived, that he did not care to come out of his own house & appear at court, and the fault, he had committed, begun to be talk’d of publickly. the Archbishop of Vienna, Cardinal Collonitz, received an information against one John de Navarro & Montoya, a Spanish Monk of the Order of S. Francis, for being busy about the translation of a Latin Book, w[hi]ch was full of Witchcraft, & secrets for making up & giving poisons. a young Fellow, who had been employ’d by the Monk in copying the book, was the Person, who betray’d & inform’d against him. the Monk was immediately arrested by the Archbishop: he was well known at Vienna, where he led a most scandalous & licentious life. he had formerly been Chaplain to a Regiment. he was no sooner imprison’d, but the Duke de Richelieu began to make a great stir about him, to claim him & demand his liberty of the Archbishop, declaring that he was one of his retinue. The Archbp: was desirous of complying with this request of the Ambassador, & would have done so, had not one of the Priests of his Consistory hinder’d him by representing, that in a case relative to religion the protection & immunity of the Ambassadour ceased, one being of no consequence, the other not existing at all, in such cases. the Monk could not deny his translating the book, & moreover declared, he was doing it for Richelieu, who not understanding Latin could not do it himself. the Duke on his side confess’d this to be true, but at the same time denied a report, by w[hi]ch he was said to have given 2000 Florins for the book to an Armenian Merchant call’d Assi: for he maintain’d that a Friend had made him a present of it. be this as it will, the book was a Folio written in barbarous Latin & in an Arabic character. the Emperour kept the book saying it should be burnt, when the contents of it had been throughly examined. whether this sentence was ever executed, is uncertain. at the time the Monk was arrested for only translating the book, the shocking story & all the following circumstances were discover’d.

Near the Danube in that suburb, w[hi]ch is call’d Leopoldstat there is a Villa belonging to Count Zchernini, in w[hi]ch his Father-in-Law Philip Eugene de Merode, Marquess of Westerloo, Count de Montfort, Dolen, & Battenburg lived, & tho’ the behaviour of this Nobleman had been a continued series of extravagance & impiety yet his illustrious birth and the ancient attachment of his family to the House of Austria, had raised him to the highest honours. he was a Knight of ye Golden Fleece, Colonel of a Regiment, Marechal de la Cour, & Captain of the Guards, that are call’d Drabans, in this garden of Count Zchernini there is a grove, in w[hi]ch upon the Holy Thursday of the [year] 1727 was performed a Sacrifice to the Moon attended with all the ceremonies of the ancient Pagans. the Catholicks, or I should rather call them the Idolaters, who offer’d the sacrifice according to the rules prescribed in the above-mention’d book found this garden was the properest place they could pitch upon for the execution of their design, because the book directed, that this ceremony should be performd in a grove near a river flowing towards the East. as the sacrifice was performed in the day-time, & as on the altar, w[hi]ch they had raised, a violent fire, destined for the burning of the victim, was blazing, a neighbouring Gardiner seeing the flames ran to the Marquess de Westerloo’s to warn the People of a fire near the house. one of the Servants bid him not be alarmed, for that the fire was made on purpose. the Gardiner retired, but urged by his curiosity to see what was going forward in the grove, he with too† of his Labourers coming near to the pales, w[hi]ch surrounded it, saw the sacrifice thro’ the crevices. they thought the ceremonies & the dress of those, who officiated, very strange, but did not till two months after declare, what they had been witnesses of. they made their depositions before Count de Lamberg, a Minister of Justice & an authoritative Judge in such a case as this. he immediately arrested two of the Marquess Westerloo’s Servants. they declared that neither of them had assisted at the ceremony, but that one had piled the wood upon the altar, & that the other was to guard the gate of the garden during the sacrifice. these two Servants, being question’d concerning the Persons engaged in the offering, they impeach’d them without forgetting, that the Monk Montoya was one. the Count de Lamberg having confronted the Monk with these Witnesses, he confess’d the crime & all its circumstances. as soon as the Marquess de Westerloo heard of the imprisonment of his Servants, he went to Count de Lamberg & the Marquess de Rialp, then Secretary of State. there so far was he from denying the fact, that he confess’d it with the most open & scandalous obstinacy. he told them, one of the ends he proposed to obtain by this sacrifice was the restoration of his health; that it had had its desired effect, & that he certainly was relieved of a violent pain in his breast, w[hi]ch had tormented him before. he also declared, that the French Ambassador, who was the original proposer of the sacrifice, was much better for it, & that he had undertaken it principally to obtain the general esteem of Mankind. he said at last, that as to himself he should not have consented to it but for the repeated sollicitations of the Embassador, who founded his hopes chiefly on the grove being situated near the Danube, w[hi]ch flows towards the East. all the following circumstances are as true as those already mention’d, & are affirmed in the depositions of the Persons, who saw them. the Victim was a black calf, w[hi]ch the French Ambassr: carried in his coach to the Marqss: of Westerloo’s. five Persons were concern’d in this act of idolatry, performing all the rites of the ancient Pagans, habited in their dress, & crown’d with their mitres, using all their prostrations & genuflexions, observing the quality & quantity of fire necessary to consume the victim, burning perfumes of different sorts, leading the victim in pomp & procession to the altar & repeating several obscene prayers address’d to the Moon, imploring her protection and the communication of her influence to the different metals, w[hi]ch they had put into the fire, & of w[hi]ch they expected to make a Talisman. the virtue of the Talisman was to procure for the Sacrificers the several blessings of perfect health, general esteem, and great riches[.] it appeared that the Duke de Richelieu officiated as High-Priest, as he cut off the head of the victim with his own hands. according to the precepts of the book the whole sacrifice was to be performed in seventeen minutes, but as the fire did not consume the calf under three hours the Duke was highly concerned, & much afraid, least the Talisman should not answer. the Mss: of Westerloo, & the Monk Montoya, who both had acted as Sacrificators, were dress’d like the Duke de Richelieu in the habit of the ancient Pagans. the subaltern Ministers were Assi, the Armenian, & a Spanish Lieutenant-Colonel named Don Diego de Oviedo, who being a Professor of Astrology, was of great service in observing when the Moon came to that point of the heavens, w[hi]ch according to the doctrine of the book was proper. as the Spaniard was desired by the Sacrificers to attend on the ceremony he was looked upon as the least guilty, & consider’d as one, who had committed the crime out of excessive complaisance to the others.

When the Monk’s confession was drawn up & confirm’d by so many Witnesses, a doubt arose about the punishment to be inflicted on him. the Archbishop at least thought proper to put him into the hands of the Head of the Franciscan Convent, & it was said he was confined in a close dungeon & allow’d nothing but bread & water. he was afterwards to be sent into Spain, but it is quite uncertain, whether he was or not. the Emperour for certain reasons, w[hi]ch I shall mention by & by, did not make much bustle about the punishment of the Marqss: of Westerloo, however he sent him word no longer to act as Captain of the Guards: the Marquess obeyd† & resign’d his commission. as for the poor Armenian, who sold the book, it is certain, that he died at the French Ambassador’s a few days after the imprisonment of the Monk. the People, who had highly blamed & condemn’d that Minister, were persuaded, that he had poison’d the Armenian to prevent the discovery of the mystery, as he did not know the Monk had confess’d all in prison. this suspicion was not founded on absolute proof but on very reasonable conjectures: this is however certain, that the Duke invited the Armenian to sup with his Servants, that after supper he complain’d of a sore throat, and died the next day. but as there was no opportunity of opening his body the suspicion of the people could not be confirmed. the Colonel Oviedo had time to conceal himself at the Ambassadour’s, & at length left Vienna for ever. the Duke of Richelieu, under pretence of a fever either real or feign’d, begun to omit attending the festivals celebrated in the Aulic Chappel, where however Nuncio Monsignr: Grimaldi acquainted the Ambassador, that he must not appear at Chappel, because he had been excommunicated on account of his idolatry. the Ambr: perceiving he should be ruin’d for ever, if he was not permitted to appear there, made repeated sollicitations to the Nuncio to obtain absolution for his crime. this Prelate refer’d it to Father Tenneman, the Emperour’s Confessor, & this Jesuit assured the Emperour, that the Duke had made an ample confession of his heinous crime, & declared his sincere repentance, and then he absolved him. he also absolved Monsr: de Westerloo. Mr: Grimaldi having wrote upon this subject to the Nuncio at Paris & several foreign Ministers following his example, they all endeavour’d at the Duke’s earnest sollicitation to palliate his crime. the Nuncio was much blamed for so carefully hushing up such a heinous & criminal action. a Friend of the Nuncio hearing these imputations endeavour’d to justify him by saying, that Mr: Grimaldi could not do otherwise, as the Duke had from the first mention’d it to him, as his Confessor. whether this was true, we know not, but it is certain, that as soon as the affair begun to be rumour’d, the Ambassr: made political confession of it to Count Zinzendorff, Great Chancellor of the Imperial Court, & desired him to be favourable to him, & intercede for him with the rest of the Ministry. the Ministry, being well paid, & content with the Duke in his political capacity, connived at the dissimulation of his crime. however they wrote to Baron Fonseca, the Imperial Minister at Paris, to inform him of every fact, that he might be able to answer the French Minister, who probably might question him about it.

It certainly was right, and every body thought so, that the Emperour should punish M: de Westerloo by banishment[,] the loss of the golden Fleece, & his places at court. it is plain, that by depriving him of his commission of the Guards he was desirous of removing him from his Person. therefore if he did not punish him more openly, it was because he waited to see what punishment would be inflicted by the King of France on the D: of Richelieu. if the King in detestation of his idolatry had punish’d the Duke, the Emperour had resolved severely also to punish Westerloo: but as his most Christian Majesty affected to be ignorant of, or at least to doubt of his Minister’s crime the Empr: thro’ policy or indulgence was equally moderate to ye Marquess: but at bottom he never after esteem’d either of them, having conceived all the indignation against them, w[hi]ch the horror of their crime deserved.

Such is the faithful account of this singular event, as it was contain’d in a letter of Count Tarouca [Footnote: ‘He was Minister from the Court of Portugal, then at Vienna.’] no ways alter’d from the original Portuguese, whence I translated it, but in representing it as a thing past, whereas he writes of it, as a transaction happening at the time.

The Duke being recall’d to Paris, he took leave of their Impl: Majesties at the Favorita, Sept: 6. 1727. the Empr: presented him with his picture, set in diamonds of great value.

[Docketed in an unidentified hand:] Anecdote of the Duke de Richlieu†.

[Added below by a third hand:] 15–8–

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† Sic.

Probably in the hand of Roume de Saint Laurent. This document is bound inside the previous one, and supplies omissions from its contents.

No. 12. Declaration of the Chevalier de Champ regarding Jean-Paul Marat, 28 Nov. 1783.
‘Numeroté 12 dans la suite des pièces fournies par Mr. Marat à l’appui de sa lettre à Mr. De St. Laurent du 20 9bre 1783.’

No. 33. Extract from the Monthly Review, Oct. 1782.
‘Numeroté 33 dans La suite des pièces fournies par Mr. Marat à Mr. De St. Laurent.’

(In the translator’s introduction on f. 186 the pamphlet is attributed to Lord Carteret and erroneously dated 1742.)

The Latin verses (22 lines) begin, ‘Anglia luctiferum tristi cur fronte Colorem’. The French translation (44 lines) begins, ‘Quel changement subit dans l’Isle d’Albion!’ The English translation (34 lines) begins, ‘Why wears Britannia this sad Face of Woe’. An additional line has been added by hand to the Latin and French versions.

Handwritten, with an engraved and printed heading. Subscribed by Paul Barras and Joseph-Jean Lagarde.

The title in the table of contents is ‘Des Epigrammes composés en 1737. à Londres sur la Mort de la Reine d’Angleterre’. The authors are unknown. The tone of the pieces varies: in some the queen is identified as an Arian and is variously associated with Constantia, the sister of Constantine; with Jean Leclerc (‘Johannes Clericus’) and Matthew Tindal, who had both also recently died; and with Bishop Hoadly.

Mock memorial inscription.
‘Decubuit 1737 Novemb. 9. | Ad Arium, Constantiam Imperatricem, Clericum, reliquosque Haereticos | Descendit 1737 Nov. 20. hora 11. noctu | Nostrae aetatis Constantia.’

Verses headed ‘Ad Clericum Arianum Carolinae Praeceptorem.’
Sixteen lines, beginning ‘Clerice, si manes tangant mortalia functos’. The last twelve lines are headed ‘Clericus respondit’.

Verses headed ‘Carolinae expirans Loquitur.’
Six lines, beginning ‘Vicisti, Galilaee; exclamat Apostata quondam’.

Verses headed ‘Carolinae umbra Constantiae umbram salutat.’
Six lines, beginning ‘En adsum, Germana; mihi gratare: patrato’.

Verses headed ‘Oratio ad Christum pro Carolinâ Arianâ defunctâ, reliquisque Haeriticis tam viventibus quàm defunctis.’
Twenty-four lines, beginning ‘Christe redemisti humanam qui sanguine fuso’.

Verses headed ‘Elogium in Carolinam M. B. Reginam.’
Twelve lines, beginning ‘Quis tantum poterit Lachrymis aequare dolorem?’

Verses headed ‘Epigram on a Tomb’.
Six lines, beginning ‘Fearless approach; no stench will hence ascend’.

Verses headed ‘An Epitaph.’
Eighteen lines, beginning ‘Here lies unpitty’d both by Church and State’.

Untitled verses.
Two lines: ‘Oh cruel Death! why was you so unkind | To take the Queen, and Leave the King behind!’ This may perhaps be the conclusion of the preceding item.

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Transcript

Decubuit 1737 Novemb. 9
Ad Arium, Constantiam Imperatricem, Clericum, reliquosque Hæreticos
Descendit 1737 Nov. 20. hora 11. noctu
Nostræ ætatis Constantia.

⁕ ⁕ ⁕

Ad Clericum Arianum Carolinæ Præceptorem

Clerice, si manes tangant mortalia functos,
Si tibi Discipulæ cura sit ulla tuæ;
Extremo hanc plangis luctantem in margine vitæ:
Teque iterum sentis, hâc moriente mori.

Clericus respondet
Quisquis dogmatibus nostris malè docte, repugnas;
Insultasque mihi, Discipulæque meæ;
Desine, si sapias, frustra tibi plaudere: nostras
Nam res Hodleius, nam mea turba, gerit.
Turpiter indoluit Judas ignavus et excors:
Conscius hunc horror proditionis agit {1}.
Heroïna meæ causæ patrona triumphat;
Intrepida ad mortem stat similisque mei.
Nulla unquam meliùs meruit Constantia dici;
Constat mente eadem, propositique tenax.
Qualis, ait, vixi, morior: fecisse recordor
Cùm me nil, cujus poenituisse velim.

⁕ ⁕ ⁕

Carolina expirans Loquitur.

Vicisti, Galilæe; exclamat Apostata quondam
Dictus: ego moriens cedere turpe puto.
Hæc dum secta viget; cujus fuit Arius author,
Quam patrocinio fovi aluique meo;
Hodleio dum pars mea stat duce et auspice; numquam,
Sim, Galilæe, licèt mortua, victor eris.

⁕ ⁕ ⁕

Carolinæ umbra Constantiæ umbram salutat.

En adsum, Germana; mihi gratare: patrato
Grandi opere, ad vestros non piget ire locos.
Europæ finem inter nos partimur utrumque.
Optandum tibi nil, nil mihi majus erat.
Te Duce, vicinas orienti obsederat oras
Arius; et Duce me, possidet occiduas.

⁕ ⁕ ⁕

Oratio ad Christum pro Carolinâ Arianâ defunctâ
reliquisque Hæreticis tam viventibus quàm defunctis.

Christe redemisti humanam qui sanguine fuso
Gentem; Crux cujus crimina nostra piat;
Si pro defunctis ad Cœlum fundere vota
Sit fas, et numen Sollicitare tuum;
Huic, quam seduxit scelerati {2} dogmatis Author
Parce: tuis clemens hostibus esse soles.
Petro abjuranti veniam non, Christe, negasti:
Latro tuam pendens in cruce sensit opem.
Quò gravius crimen, tantò est clementia major.
An major meritis culpa sit ulla tuis?
Esse Deum quæ te summum decepta negavit,
Te Salvatorem sentiat esse suum.
Clericus, et qui sunt hortatu Dæmonis ausi
Blasphemum in nostris spargere dogma plagis;
Æternum haud pereant; Judæis in Cruce fixus
Orasti, ignoscat, Christe benigne, Patrem.
Hodleio, reliquisque, fidem qui lædere sanam,
Incautisque suum tradere virus amant;
Des, Christe, ut possint tandem resipiscere; clausit
Dum nondum extremum mors inopina diem.
Denique pestiferam nostris a finibus arce
Quâ longùm infecta est terra Britanna Luem.
Condita quâ Carolina, error condatur eâdem
Impius hic, ad nos non rediturus, humo.

⁕ ⁕ ⁕

Elogium in Carolinam M. B. Reginam

Quis tantum poterit Lachrymis æquare dolorem?
Quis luctus meritis par, Carolina, tuis?
Corpus Fata licèt rapiant immitia, vultus
Perpetuùm in nostro pectore fixus erit.
Exemplum post te moriens insigne relinquis;
Quale ætas dederat nulla, nec ulla dabit.
Quisquis es, exemplum qui (quamquam haud passibus æquis)
Principis hujus aves, ambitiosi, sequi;
Si tibi prisca fides placeat, si conscia recti
Mens, si virtutis non simulatus amor;
Si qua animæ sit et æternæ tibi cura salutis,
Hac duce, disce precor vivere, disce mori.

⁕ ⁕ ⁕

Epigram on a Tomb.

Fearless approach; no stench will hence ascend;
No noxious vapor will your nose offend:
But gratefull odors from the tomb depart,
And chear the sense. Thanks to the Embalmer’s art.
Unlike to others, when frail life is fled;
She stunk alive, more than she stinks when dead.

⁕ ⁕ ⁕

An Epitaph.

Here lies unpitty’d both by Church and State
The subject of their Flattery and hate;
Flatter’d by those in whom her favour flow’d
Hated for favours impiously bestow’d.
Who aim’d the Church by churchmen to betray,
And hop’d to share in arbitrary sway.
In Tindal’s and in Hoadley’s path she trod;
An hypocrite in all, but disbelief of God.
Promoted Luxury, encourag’d vice:
Herself a sordid Slave to avarice.
True friendship, tender Love ne’er touch’d her heart;
Falshood appear’d, in vain disguis’d by art.
Fawning and haughty; when familiar rude:
And never gracious seem’d, but to delude.
Inquisitive in trifling mean affairs;
Heedless of publick good or Orphan’s tears.
To her own offspring mercy she deny’d:
And, unforgiving, unforgiven dy’d. {3}

Oh cruel Death! why was you so unkind
To take the Queen, and Leave the king behind!

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Notes

In the transcript above the original punctuation and capitalisation have been retained, but abbreviations have been expanded and fossil thorn (‘y’) has been replaced by ‘th’.

{1} Cf. Statius, Thebaid, i. 402–3.

{2} A slip for ‘sceleratis’?

{3} It is unclear whether or not a break was intended before the concluding couplet.

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Translation
 
She took to her sick-bed on 9 November 1737. She descended to Arius, the Empress Constance, Le Clerc, and the other heretics on 20 November 1737 at 11 o’clock at night, the Constance of our age.

⁕ ⁕ ⁕

To Le Clerc, Caroline’s Arian Instructor

If mortal affairs, Le Clerc, can touch the spirits of the dead, if you care anything for your disciple, you must be grieving for this woman as she struggles at the very edge of life, and as she dies you must feel that you are dying again.

Le Clerc answers: You ignoramus, whoever you are, you oppose our teachings and insult me and my disciple. Stop flattering yourself, if you know what’s good for you—it’s no use, because our party’s interests are in the hands of Hoadly and my great band of supporters. Judas, to his shame, suffers in senseless idleness; he is tormented by the horrifying knowledge of his betrayal. But the patroness of my cause triumphs like a heroine; she stands undaunted unto death, like me. No woman ever deserved more to be called Constance. She perseveres in her beliefs, firm in her purpose. ‘Just as I lived,’ she says, ‘I die. For I do not recall doing anything of which I would wish to repent.’

⁕ ⁕ ⁕

The dying Caroline speaks

You’ve beaten me, Galilean, once cried the man they call the Apostate. But I think it shameful to give in as I die. While this sect, of which Arius was the founder, flourishes, which I have supported and fed with my patronage, while my party still stands with Hoadly as its leader and protector, never—though I may be mortal, Galilean—shall you be the victor.

⁕ ⁕ ⁕

The ghost of Caroline greets the ghost of Constance

See, here I am, cousin! Congratulate me! Since a great work has been accomplished, I do not regret coming to these places of yours. We divide the two ends of Europe between us. Nothing greater could have been desired for you, or for me. With you as leader, Arius took possession of the regions bounding the east, and with me as leader he possesses those in the west.

⁕ ⁕ ⁕

A prayer to Christ for Caroline, the dead Arian, and for other heretics, both living and dead

O Christ, who redeemed the human race by the pouring out of your blood, whose cross paid the price for our sins, if it is right to pour out prayers to heaven on behalf of the dead and to solicit your divine majesty, spare this woman, whom an author seduced by his wicked teachings. It is your custom to be forgiving to your enemies. You did not withhold forgiveness, Christ, from Peter when he denied you; the thief who hung on the cross experienced your help. The worse the crime, the greater the mercy. Can any sin be greater than your merits? Let this deceived woman, who denied that you are the most high God, know you as her saviour. Do not let Leclerc, and those who at the Devil’s bidding dared to sprinkle blasphemous doctrine in our lands, perish forever. When you were fixed to the cross, gentle Christ, you begged your father to forgive the Jews. Grant, O Christ, that Hoadly and others who love to harm the true faith and spread their poison among thoughtless people, may at last come to their senses, while unexpected death has not yet ended their last day. Lastly, keep from our shores the violent plague with which the land of Britain has long been infected. In the soil where Caroline is buried, let this wicked error also be interred, never to return to us.

⁕ ⁕ ⁕

An elegy on Caroline, Queen of Great Britain

Who will be able to match with their tears such a great sorrow? What grief, Caroline, is equal to what you deserve. Though the stern Fates may seize your body, your face will be forever fixed in our hearts. You leave behind you, as you die, such a worthy example as no age has given before or will give again. You, whoever you are, who ambitiously desire to follow (though not with equal steps) the example of this prince, if you take pleasure in the ancient faith, in a mind conscious of justice, and in a unfeigned love of virtue; if you care anything for your soul and for eternal salvation; then I beg you, with her as your guide, learn how to live and learn how to die.

(These leaves, together with the frontispiece and title-page on ff. 13v and 14r, comprise the whole work.)

On the first page is written ‘1720 | J Henley. A.M.’ Subjects covered include the drinking of healths, Pope’s preface to his translation of the Iliad (6 vols., 1715–20), and his essay on Homer (i. 1–63), hair, judging the quality of pictures, distinguishing orig-inals and copies, handwriting, Thomas Wood’s Institute of the Laws of England (1724), and the plague.

First line: ‘All Hail, Thou Beautiful Auspicious Day’. Subscribed ‘Henley’.