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Includes notes on Hume, Dalrymple, Lord Grey, Ludlow, Rapin, Burnett, Baxter, Voltaire, Harris, Ralph, McPherson, the Apologie De Louis XIV... [Novi de Caveirac], Woodrow, and Granger.

Extract from The London Scottish Regimental Gazette, Vol. II No. 6, pp. 92, 93, June 1897; by Lionel Horton-Smith.

First line: ‘O thou, my Master, and my friend’. These verses must have been written some time between 1765 and 1783 when Capability Brown was landscaping Spencer’s estate at Wimbledon Park. They were evidently written while Brown and Spencer were still alive (both died in 1783). The phrase ‘torturing regularity’ also occurs in William Mason’s ‘Ode to a Water Nymph’, first published in Dodsley’s Collection in 1748.

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Transcript

Althrops petition to Lord Spencer

O thou, my Master, and my friend,
Thy lov’d Althropia’s voice attend;
Long have I griev’d with jealous ear
My younger+ {1} Sister’s praise to hear;
How all her various beauties rise,
And strike the view with sweet surprize;
While I neglected & forlorn
My uncouth habit daily mourn.
—Yet Ah! reflect;—should all thy care
With lavish hand be scatter’d there?
With her you indolently rest,
Or live with Visiters opprest;
With me you wake the slumb’ring Morn,
And cheer the hounds with echoing horn.
Oh.! then my fond petition hear,
And think me worth a Master’s care.
Or else my utmost wish to crown,
Oh! send me Nature’s favorite Brown,
Well-skilld her blemishes to hide,
And set ev’n faults on Beauty’s side.
Let him my burden’d acres free,
From torturing regularity;
And teach the eye around to hail
Sweet interchange of Hill, & Dale;
Let him my ductile waters lead,
In circling course along the Mead;
And move the veil which Art hath drawn
O’er pendent Slope, and varied Lawn.
Then, ’tho my haughty Rival boast
Her beauties form’d by pains, and Cost;
No proud Comparisons I fear,
When once my genuine charms appear.
Nor shal’t thou fin’d the alter’d plains
Ungrateful to their Owner’s pains;
Perhaps within those pleasing groves
Sacred to chaste connubial Loves,
Where Sacharissa fair, & young
By artful Waller once was sung;
Thy Georgiana may inspire
Some future Bard to strike the Lyre;
To feel, & what he feels express,
Domestick real Happiness;
Which those by Heaven’s indulgent care
Hast Sense to prize, and power to share.

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{1} Footnote: ‘+Wimbleton’, i.e. Wimbledon.

(The text differs greatly from the printed memoir.)

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Transcript

A Short Account of the Writer of this Narration.

A Narrative of the life and Various Incidents that has attended the Writer hereof from his earliest Age down to the present period is most humbly laid down for the perusal of his friends and in particular at the Request of his very Worthy & respected Young friend Mr S. Humble of the Town & County of Newcastle upon Tyne to whom it comes greeting, and hope it will be found Acceptable to all his numerous friends in General.——Benjamin Starkey Son of the late Benjamin and Mary Starkey (who were both Natives of this Town and County) was born in the Year 1757 the 19th Day of December in Brownlow Street Long Acre, at the Lying in Hospital in that place, and as soon as possible, was early initiated and instructed in the knowledge of Letters as far as his Abilities at that time could take them in, and thanks to God learned so fast, as greatly surprized all who at that time knew him, His Mother then being his Attentive teacher keeping a School herself, for the improvement of young Children in which She was very Successful, and gave great Satisfaction to all who favored her, however the Natural genius of the Writer of these Memoirs requiring Superior teaching, he was placed under an eminent Master of languages and at Seven Years of Age, began to learn the Latin tongue, and in a Very short time, was able to Read the Latin Testament, and other Authors, and made Considerable improvement in Writing and Accompts; but it unfortunate happened that in my very young Days I had the misfortune to fall, and so hurt my left Arm, which brought on a White Swelling, which totally renderd me unfit as I grew up for any Arduous Employment; and such was the Opinion of Eminent Surgeons (such as the noted Doctors Hawkins & Bromfield who were than employed in their profession under the Patronage of the late King George the Second, but from these Gentlemen my poor Sorrowful Parents could receive no Satisfaction they having declared that an Amputation was absolutely necessary, unto which they could not, nor would not Consent it happened however very fortunate that thro’ some friends, my parents were recommended to a french Surgeon, who after trying his Skill, thro’ the goodness of God gave me the Use of it, altho to this Day it is weaker and smaller than the Other. being by this disaster rendered unfit for any arduous Employment in Life at the Age of Fourteen, he was bound an Apprentice to an Eminent School Master in Fetter Lane Holborn, on the Twentieth day of December 1771, and fully compleated the term of Seven Years in 1778. After that period he entered as an Assistant and teacher of the French Language to a Gentlemans Boarding School in Robertsbridge in Sussex, and in the same line had the honor to be french Master to a Ladies Boarding School in the same Vicinity;—about Nine or ten Months from thence he returned to London & for Some little time was an Assistant to another Accademy in Smithfield When there, in the Year 1780, the Writer came to this Town in the Interest of Andrew Robinson Bowes Esq:r who at that time gained his Election, as a Member of Parliament, for this place, in the Year 1784 the Honorable Charles Brandling of Gosforth House puting up in Conjunction with the Honorable Sir Matthew White Ridley of Blagdon in Northumberland Bart the Writer again came down in their Interest and happily saw those Gentlemen chosen Thomas Dalaval Esqr who being a Candidate at that time was unsuccessful, & lost the Day. returning no more to London at that time He had the good fortune of being settled in a School at Sunderland in the County of Durham, by the favor and Phylantrophy of a very Worthy Gentleman of this Town whose goodness I can never while I live forget as he was so kind as to lay down a large Sum of Money for my Entering into the School there; the sum was five Pounds besides two pound for myself as existing Money for myself {1} untill the Monies arising from my School Concerns came due to me, but after going on with it about a Year and finding it by no means Sufficient I had the good fortune to address myself to a Gentleman who was the Comptroller of his Majestys Customs there, but for the Space of three Months heard nothing from it, however as I wrote in October 1775, it pleased God in the December following I had the Honor to receive an Answer in which he requested I would wait upon him on the Morning of that, which was Christmas Day, and from that Day to the time of the Death of my ever to be remembered and much respected friend William Gooch Esqr, was as happy as could be for the Space of Eight Years, seeing in that time the Death of his Honorable Wife and Sister by whom the Writer was very much befriended, but his loss was in the Death of that Gentleman himself, for many misfortunes happened to him, not withstanding thro’ the Divine Good he has been greatly helped and brought thro’ them all as is evident at this Day; not being able to return his place oweing to a New Comptroller being appointed, he was obliged to give up his Situation the Gentleman bringing his own Clerks into the Office; however they were so kind as to make a Collection of three Guineas, which was to be paid me at four Shillings per Week, by the late Mr B, who was then instructing as a Landwaiter for Newcastle living a long time here, and finding I cou’d fall into no employment, I lef this Town in order to go to London, leaving fifteen Shillings & Six pence in his hand; this Man also Dying before I came back unfortunately for me it was as lost for I could never obtain one farthing not knowing where to see his Widow, however on my return thither I fortunately met with a Gentleman who was the then Marshall of the Town to whom and to whose family I am and must ever be greatly obliged, especially as he befriended me to the then Mayor the later very Worthy and Worshipful Rob[er]t Shaftoe Hedley Hedley† Esq:r who favored me with the Living I now have the honor & happiness to enjoy, and here I beg leave to say that if any thing can afford me felicity on this side Eternity it assuredly must be in remaining all his {2} Days their most Duteous, and very humble Servant; nor can the Writer do less than Wish to each, all, and every one of them, and their Hond & Respectable familys, all health Happiness, and Success in teim and for Ever, for all their Civilities to the poor transcriber of this Account; which if it should be thought Worthy of their perusal, will be an ample Compensation for the Recital of these facts; how far they may be found worthy of public Acceptance I know not, yet as they are written from a principle of Gratitude to you Sir, and all my numberless friends they are most humbly laid down by your poor but most Obedient and very humble Servant

Benjamin Starkey, who if Spared till the 19th day of December next will then be Compleatly fifty four Years of Age. In hope therefore of its being Candidly Received, I with all due Gratitude Conclude.—

———

To Mr Humble Junr

Sir,

As prolixity is tedious I trust & hope you will be pleased to take in good part what I have the honor now to lay before you, as I am Conscious of my imbecility and have never before wrote any thing for public inspection, I am constrained to beg you and the Readers thereof will take all in good part, and I Cannot but wish, should you Commit these to the press, that you may in the Publication thereof meet with ample Success, Which is indeed the very Sincere Wish of your poor but very

Humble Servant
Benjamin Starkey

Freemans Hospital
N: Castle on Tyne
14 Nov:r 1811

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In the MS the pronoun ‘I’ is often written close to the succeeding word. Fols. 33, 35, and 37 are blank.

{1} ‘for myself’: an attempt may have been made to erase these two words.

{2} Over ‘my’, erased.

† Sic.

A agrees to translate ‘with all the convenient speed from the Latin into English verse all the Eclogues Georgics and Eneid of Virgil and prepare them for the press with such notes preface or dedication as he shall think most fitting’. He agrees not to write, translate, or publish anything else until he has finished this work, except for the translation of ‘a little French Book of painting’ which he has agreed to make for ‘some Gentlemen Virtuoso’s and Painters’; the writing of any new original poem or book of prose not exceeding the price of 1s. when printed; and the publication of a comedy by his son John Dryden (The Husband his Own Cuckold), and the writing of the prologue, epilogue, or songs for that play. B will have the copyright in the translation of Virgil, and will pay A in return £200 in instalments when specified parts of it are complete. B will provide at his own costs all the brass cuts or plates formerly printed with Ogilby’s translation of Virgil in folio which can be obtained, buy so many more as are wanting to complete the number of one hundred (excluding Ogilby’s portrait and the frontispiece), and print them as directed by A. B agrees that he will endeavour to find as many people as there are cuts in the book to subscribe 5 guineas each (payable in instal-ments, as specified), to be paid to (A) for each of the books delivered to these persons. The names and arms of the subscribers will be engraved on their respective plates. Any money paid to B by any person over the said 5 guineas shall be paid to A, and A will give B a receipt for it, and B agrees to make oath before a Master in Chancery how much subscription money he has received, and to pay these sums to A on request. B will deliver to A as many books as he wants of the same, size, volume, letter, and paper, as the aforementioned hundred volumes, and including the same prints, for which A will pay as much above the selling price of the said books on common paper as the charge of printing on the best paper amounts to. Any difference between the parties on this point is to be left to the determination in writing of three persons to be chosen by them. There shall be no more copies printed on fine paper than those which are subscribed for, and B shall not make any proposals for printing a second edition until A has disposed of the books which are to be subscribed for. When A has completed the translation as far as Book VI of the Aeneid he may publish advertisements in the Gazette or elsewhere, giving notice that only subscribers can have books on fine paper, and advising the date on which subscriptions are to be received, and when A has completed his translation he will declare the number of books to be printed on fine paper, which B will print accordingly. If one hundred subscribers are not found by the time the translation of Book VI of the Aeneid is completed, A will return to B the subscription money he has received, and A shall be free to make a new agreement with B or any other person for the translation, and B will return to A as much of the translation as he has received. For the performance of this agreement the parties mutually bind themselves in £200.

(Transcript in an unidentified hand.)

(Only pp. 3-19 of the pamphlet have been translated.)

On embossed notepaper, 'The Rectory, Weybridge'. Refers to Macaulay as 'your brother, my very much-loved cousin'; the memoir was perhaps sent to Macaulay's sister Hannah Trevelyan. With envelope labelled '18. Mrs Rose's Memorandum'.

First line: ‘Envy (that loves not merit) ne’er will spare’.

(The full title, on f. 6r, is: ‘Vues politiques et Révolutionnaires de salut public contre la coalition des tyrans de l’Europe. Discours prononcé à Paris le quintide 1ere Décade de Nivôse, dans l’assemblée générale de la Section régénérée de Beaurepaire par Philoctès Sidney Sanchamau.’ For the year, see the preceding item.)

Docketed ‘Anecdote of the Duke de Richlieu.’

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Transcript

On the 18th of June 1727, the day, on w[hi]ch that solemn festival of the Fête-Dieu is kept, the Duke de Richelieu did not wait on the Emperour, as he ought to have done, under pretence of a fever. it was soon perceived, that he did not care to come out of his own house & appear at court, and the fault, he had committed, begun to be talk’d of publickly. the Archbishop of Vienna, Cardinal Collonitz, received an information against one John de Navarro & Montoya, a Spanish Monk of the Order of S. Francis, for being busy about the translation of a Latin Book, w[hi]ch was full of Witchcraft, & secrets for making up & giving poisons. a young Fellow, who had been employ’d by the Monk in copying the book, was the Person, who betray’d & inform’d against him. the Monk was immediately arrested by the Archbishop: he was well known at Vienna, where he led a most scandalous & licentious life. he had formerly been Chaplain to a Regiment. he was no sooner imprison’d, but the Duke de Richelieu began to make a great stir about him, to claim him & demand his liberty of the Archbishop, declaring that he was one of his retinue. The Archbp: was desirous of complying with this request of the Ambassador, & would have done so, had not one of the Priests of his Consistory hinder’d him by representing, that in a case relative to religion the protection & immunity of the Ambassadour ceased, one being of no consequence, the other not existing at all, in such cases. the Monk could not deny his translating the book, & moreover declared, he was doing it for Richelieu, who not understanding Latin could not do it himself. the Duke on his side confess’d this to be true, but at the same time denied a report, by w[hi]ch he was said to have given 2000 Florins for the book to an Armenian Merchant call’d Assi: for he maintain’d that a Friend had made him a present of it. be this as it will, the book was a Folio written in barbarous Latin & in an Arabic character. the Emperour kept the book saying it should be burnt, when the contents of it had been throughly examined. whether this sentence was ever executed, is uncertain. at the time the Monk was arrested for only translating the book, the shocking story & all the following circumstances were discover’d.

Near the Danube in that suburb, w[hi]ch is call’d Leopoldstat there is a Villa belonging to Count Zchernini, in w[hi]ch his Father-in-Law Philip Eugene de Merode, Marquess of Westerloo, Count de Montfort, Dolen, & Battenburg lived, & tho’ the behaviour of this Nobleman had been a continued series of extravagance & impiety yet his illustrious birth and the ancient attachment of his family to the House of Austria, had raised him to the highest honours. he was a Knight of ye Golden Fleece, Colonel of a Regiment, Marechal de la Cour, & Captain of the Guards, that are call’d Drabans, in this garden of Count Zchernini there is a grove, in w[hi]ch upon the Holy Thursday of the [year] 1727 was performed a Sacrifice to the Moon attended with all the ceremonies of the ancient Pagans. the Catholicks, or I should rather call them the Idolaters, who offer’d the sacrifice according to the rules prescribed in the above-mention’d book found this garden was the properest place they could pitch upon for the execution of their design, because the book directed, that this ceremony should be performd in a grove near a river flowing towards the East. as the sacrifice was performed in the day-time, & as on the altar, w[hi]ch they had raised, a violent fire, destined for the burning of the victim, was blazing, a neighbouring Gardiner seeing the flames ran to the Marquess de Westerloo’s to warn the People of a fire near the house. one of the Servants bid him not be alarmed, for that the fire was made on purpose. the Gardiner retired, but urged by his curiosity to see what was going forward in the grove, he with too† of his Labourers coming near to the pales, w[hi]ch surrounded it, saw the sacrifice thro’ the crevices. they thought the ceremonies & the dress of those, who officiated, very strange, but did not till two months after declare, what they had been witnesses of. they made their depositions before Count de Lamberg, a Minister of Justice & an authoritative Judge in such a case as this. he immediately arrested two of the Marquess Westerloo’s Servants. they declared that neither of them had assisted at the ceremony, but that one had piled the wood upon the altar, & that the other was to guard the gate of the garden during the sacrifice. these two Servants, being question’d concerning the Persons engaged in the offering, they impeach’d them without forgetting, that the Monk Montoya was one. the Count de Lamberg having confronted the Monk with these Witnesses, he confess’d the crime & all its circumstances. as soon as the Marquess de Westerloo heard of the imprisonment of his Servants, he went to Count de Lamberg & the Marquess de Rialp, then Secretary of State. there so far was he from denying the fact, that he confess’d it with the most open & scandalous obstinacy. he told them, one of the ends he proposed to obtain by this sacrifice was the restoration of his health; that it had had its desired effect, & that he certainly was relieved of a violent pain in his breast, w[hi]ch had tormented him before. he also declared, that the French Ambassador, who was the original proposer of the sacrifice, was much better for it, & that he had undertaken it principally to obtain the general esteem of Mankind. he said at last, that as to himself he should not have consented to it but for the repeated sollicitations of the Embassador, who founded his hopes chiefly on the grove being situated near the Danube, w[hi]ch flows towards the East. all the following circumstances are as true as those already mention’d, & are affirmed in the depositions of the Persons, who saw them. the Victim was a black calf, w[hi]ch the French Ambassr: carried in his coach to the Marqss: of Westerloo’s. five Persons were concern’d in this act of idolatry, performing all the rites of the ancient Pagans, habited in their dress, & crown’d with their mitres, using all their prostrations & genuflexions, observing the quality & quantity of fire necessary to consume the victim, burning perfumes of different sorts, leading the victim in pomp & procession to the altar & repeating several obscene prayers address’d to the Moon, imploring her protection and the communication of her influence to the different metals, w[hi]ch they had put into the fire, & of w[hi]ch they expected to make a Talisman. the virtue of the Talisman was to procure for the Sacrificers the several blessings of perfect health, general esteem, and great riches[.] it appeared that the Duke de Richelieu officiated as High-Priest, as he cut off the head of the victim with his own hands. according to the precepts of the book the whole sacrifice was to be performed in seventeen minutes, but as the fire did not consume the calf under three hours the Duke was highly concerned, & much afraid, least the Talisman should not answer. the Mss: of Westerloo, & the Monk Montoya, who both had acted as Sacrificators, were dress’d like the Duke de Richelieu in the habit of the ancient Pagans. the subaltern Ministers were Assi, the Armenian, & a Spanish Lieutenant-Colonel named Don Diego de Oviedo, who being a Professor of Astrology, was of great service in observing when the Moon came to that point of the heavens, w[hi]ch according to the doctrine of the book was proper. as the Spaniard was desired by the Sacrificers to attend on the ceremony he was looked upon as the least guilty, & consider’d as one, who had committed the crime out of excessive complaisance to the others.

When the Monk’s confession was drawn up & confirm’d by so many Witnesses, a doubt arose about the punishment to be inflicted on him. the Archbishop at least thought proper to put him into the hands of the Head of the Franciscan Convent, & it was said he was confined in a close dungeon & allow’d nothing but bread & water. he was afterwards to be sent into Spain, but it is quite uncertain, whether he was or not. the Emperour for certain reasons, w[hi]ch I shall mention by & by, did not make much bustle about the punishment of the Marqss: of Westerloo, however he sent him word no longer to act as Captain of the Guards: the Marquess obeyd† & resign’d his commission. as for the poor Armenian, who sold the book, it is certain, that he died at the French Ambassador’s a few days after the imprisonment of the Monk. the People, who had highly blamed & condemn’d that Minister, were persuaded, that he had poison’d the Armenian to prevent the discovery of the mystery, as he did not know the Monk had confess’d all in prison. this suspicion was not founded on absolute proof but on very reasonable conjectures: this is however certain, that the Duke invited the Armenian to sup with his Servants, that after supper he complain’d of a sore throat, and died the next day. but as there was no opportunity of opening his body the suspicion of the people could not be confirmed. the Colonel Oviedo had time to conceal himself at the Ambassadour’s, & at length left Vienna for ever. the Duke of Richelieu, under pretence of a fever either real or feign’d, begun to omit attending the festivals celebrated in the Aulic Chappel, where however Nuncio Monsignr: Grimaldi acquainted the Ambassador, that he must not appear at Chappel, because he had been excommunicated on account of his idolatry. the Ambr: perceiving he should be ruin’d for ever, if he was not permitted to appear there, made repeated sollicitations to the Nuncio to obtain absolution for his crime. this Prelate refer’d it to Father Tenneman, the Emperour’s Confessor, & this Jesuit assured the Emperour, that the Duke had made an ample confession of his heinous crime, & declared his sincere repentance, and then he absolved him. he also absolved Monsr: de Westerloo. Mr: Grimaldi having wrote upon this subject to the Nuncio at Paris & several foreign Ministers following his example, they all endeavour’d at the Duke’s earnest sollicitation to palliate his crime. the Nuncio was much blamed for so carefully hushing up such a heinous & criminal action. a Friend of the Nuncio hearing these imputations endeavour’d to justify him by saying, that Mr: Grimaldi could not do otherwise, as the Duke had from the first mention’d it to him, as his Confessor. whether this was true, we know not, but it is certain, that as soon as the affair begun to be rumour’d, the Ambassr: made political confession of it to Count Zinzendorff, Great Chancellor of the Imperial Court, & desired him to be favourable to him, & intercede for him with the rest of the Ministry. the Ministry, being well paid, & content with the Duke in his political capacity, connived at the dissimulation of his crime. however they wrote to Baron Fonseca, the Imperial Minister at Paris, to inform him of every fact, that he might be able to answer the French Minister, who probably might question him about it.

It certainly was right, and every body thought so, that the Emperour should punish M: de Westerloo by banishment[,] the loss of the golden Fleece, & his places at court. it is plain, that by depriving him of his commission of the Guards he was desirous of removing him from his Person. therefore if he did not punish him more openly, it was because he waited to see what punishment would be inflicted by the King of France on the D: of Richelieu. if the King in detestation of his idolatry had punish’d the Duke, the Emperour had resolved severely also to punish Westerloo: but as his most Christian Majesty affected to be ignorant of, or at least to doubt of his Minister’s crime the Empr: thro’ policy or indulgence was equally moderate to ye Marquess: but at bottom he never after esteem’d either of them, having conceived all the indignation against them, w[hi]ch the horror of their crime deserved.

Such is the faithful account of this singular event, as it was contain’d in a letter of Count Tarouca [Footnote: ‘He was Minister from the Court of Portugal, then at Vienna.’] no ways alter’d from the original Portuguese, whence I translated it, but in representing it as a thing past, whereas he writes of it, as a transaction happening at the time.

The Duke being recall’d to Paris, he took leave of their Impl: Majesties at the Favorita, Sept: 6. 1727. the Empr: presented him with his picture, set in diamonds of great value.

[Docketed in an unidentified hand:] Anecdote of the Duke de Richlieu†.

[Added below by a third hand:] 15–8–

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† Sic.

First line: ‘With Youth, & perfect beauty blest’.

Probably in the hand of Roume de Saint Laurent. This document is bound inside the previous one, and supplies omissions from its contents.

No. 12. Declaration of the Chevalier de Champ regarding Jean-Paul Marat, 28 Nov. 1783.
‘Numeroté 12 dans la suite des pièces fournies par Mr. Marat à l’appui de sa lettre à Mr. De St. Laurent du 20 9bre 1783.’

No. 33. Extract from the Monthly Review, Oct. 1782.
‘Numeroté 33 dans La suite des pièces fournies par Mr. Marat à Mr. De St. Laurent.’

First line: ‘Why Delia, why that pensive air’. In the MS the title is ‘To a Ladry viewing attentively | The Golden Circus in full bloom’ . ‘Circus’ is also written instead of ‘Crocus’ in lines 14 and 18.

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Transcript

To a Ladry† viewing attentively
The Golden Circus† in full bloom.
Why Delia, why that pensive air,
That speaks a bosom fraught with care,
Whence that expressive sigh?
Is it because that beauteous flower,
That shines with such excess this hour,
The next must drop, & die?
Taught by this fragrant fugitive
A better reason may’st thou give
Nor blush to have it known;
It is to think thy beauty’s date
May be as short, it’s hapless fate
So soon may be thy own.
Yes Delia yes, those charms of thine,
Which now the Circus† far outshine,
And we so much admire,
In spite of all the fops can say,
Those very charms will fade away,
And Circus† like expire.
One moment then attention lend,
And learn a Moral from a friend,
Who fain wou’d have thee wise.
Tho Beauty’s bloom will quickly fade,
Yet think, Oh! think thou lovely maid,
That virtue never dies.

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The indentation of the lines has not been reproduced.

† Sic.

(In the translator’s introduction on f. 186 the pamphlet is attributed to Lord Carteret and erroneously dated 1742.)

The Latin verses (22 lines) begin, ‘Anglia luctiferum tristi cur fronte Colorem’. The French translation (44 lines) begins, ‘Quel changement subit dans l’Isle d’Albion!’ The English translation (34 lines) begins, ‘Why wears Britannia this sad Face of Woe’. An additional line has been added by hand to the Latin and French versions.

Handwritten, with an engraved and printed heading. Subscribed by Paul Barras and Joseph-Jean Lagarde.

First line: ‘At me a Snow Ball you on Friday threw’.

An imitation of a Latin epigram beginning ‘Me nive candenti petiit modo Julia, rebar’, sometimes attributed to Petronius Afranius (see e.g. Alterius delectus specimen ex nuperis, maxime, poetis, ab electoribus praetermissis, pp. 15–16, printed as an appendix to the seventh edition of Epigrammatum delectus (1711), ‘In usum Scholæ Etonensis’).

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Transcript

To – – – –

At me a Snow Ball you on Friday threw,
Which from your hand a double whiteness drew,
A tingling torment in the stroke I found,
But thought no fire conceal’d in such a wound;
The cold extreme by Ice is most express’d,
Yet from thee, Julia, snow can fire my breast:
Who can be free from Cupid’s ambuscade,
If fiery darts in Ice can be convey’d?
Oh! may the Maid with equal ardour glow,
And quench with fire, what she inflam’d with Snow!