Pièce 203 - Letter from R. C. Trevelyan to George Macaulay Trevelyan

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TRER/14/203

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Letter from R. C. Trevelyan to George Macaulay Trevelyan

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  • 26 Aug 1914 (Production)

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Since he thinks that George is 'not quite in sympathy with the views which many of our friends hold' about current events, he is setting out 'the main reasons for taking a strong line' against the Cabinet's past and present actions, and he fears also its future ones. Has just had an argument with [Maurice] Amos, whose 'vision and perspective' seem to be ‘distorted’. He himself believes that 'war between civilized people is absolute insanity, and nothing else'; the Balkans may be 'another matter' as 'there probably people like fighting and have less to lose'. Completely agrees with the passage in [Thomas] Carlyle's "Sartor [Resartus": 'What, speaking in quite unofficial language, is the net purport and upshot of war...?''], but people like Amos, 'nearly all the nice, intelligent, reasonably peaceable, anything but brutal people' do not realise it, so do not see 'the whole foreign-politics, diplomacy, honour of the nation etc game' as a 'colossal system of humbug [and] wickedness'. A few people realises, and express themselves 'with passion like [Bertrand] Russell, or more calmly like Charles'.

Belgium is the 'stumbling block' for many good people, including their father; Bob thinks that 'whatever the fault of Germany', it is clear that Britain is 'directly responsible for the destruction of Belgium', since the Cabinet for selfish reasons 'encouraged the Belgians in the attempt to keep the Germans out'; as Charles says, if the concern for Belgium had been real the advice should have been 'to let the Germans through under protest'. Believes that Germany views itself as fighting for its existence against Russia, and therefore against France, which the British, 'who bombarded Copenhagen [in 1807] should understand'; expects the Germans are right that the France would have tried to invade through Belgium if they had had time, which the British would not have prevented. Thinks Britain had no right to go to war for Belgium, and that it was used as a last moment excuse 'to make this unrighteous war of diplomatic national hatred into a "righteous" war for a small oppressed people". Having talked to people like Amos and [Bernard] Berenson he detects a 'vague indefinable suspicion and (though it is not usually admitted) dislike and even hatred of Germany and Germans', with nobody able to say what the Germans were going to do against Britain or France [before the acceleration of hostilities]; once France committed the 'folly' of binding themselves to Russia, he grants that they had 'some reason to be afraid', but Britain had 'no such cause'.

Perhaps 'any other cabinet minister would have been as bad' as [Sir Edward] Grey, but it is through trusting him and the 'foreign office fools... the least trustworthy people in the world' that Britain allied themselves with France rather than Germany. Cannot feel calm about Britain's 'subservience to Russia'; sees 'reptiles like Wells defend Russian tyranny now' and supposes that the Czar is now going to be a 'national hero'; it was he who 'directly caused the war by his mobilisation'. Feels that if Germany was a 'menace to European civilisation' so was France, or Britain; Russia is another matter, and one which George has himself warned about; wonders how he, as a historian, can believe that Germany’s actions do not stem from ‘arrogance, or… desire for hegemony’, but from ‘fear of Russia, and therefore of Russia’s friends’; courage is ‘the last thing’ George lacks, so he must be following ‘some scruple of conscience’. He himself has not trained himself to ‘write effectively’, except in verse, but regrets that George, ‘a writer as influential as any in the country’, after beginning so well, hesitates when he could be leading opinion to the good.
Recognises that ‘blame must be distributed all round’, but while he is inclined to criticise Russia more heavily and George Germany, he sees it as their ‘absolute duty to put all the weight of blame earned by our country upon her, as outspokenly and fearlessly as possible’ and to work for the future, as Charles and others are doing.

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